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THE INTIMATE LIFE 

OF 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



THE INTIMATE LIFE 

OF 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



BASED CHIEFLY UPON ORIGINAL FAMILY LETTERS 

AND OTHER DOCUMENTS, MANY OF WHICH 

HAVE NEVER BEEN PUBLISHED 



BY 

ALLAN McLANE HAMILTON 



WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND FAC-SIMILES 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

1910 






Copyright, 1910, by 
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

Published October, 1910 




©C! Ac'll^^ .1 



^0 

JOHN HOWARD VAN AMR INGE 

PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS ANT> DEAN OF 

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 

AND FOR FIFTY YEARS IDEN'TIFIED THEREWITH; WHO DURING 

ALL THIS TIME HAS DONE SO MUCH TO 

PERPETUATE THE MEMORY OF 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

AND TO INCULCATE AMONG THE STLTDENTS AND ALUMNI OF 

HIS ALMA MATEK, A REVERENCE FOR HIS NAME AND 

AN APPRECIATION OF HIS VIRTUES 



PREFACE 

The purpose of the writer is to utilize a large number of 
original letters and documents, written by Alexander Hamil- 
ton and various members of his family as well as his con- 
temporaries, and which in some measure throw light upon 
his private life and career as a soldier, lawyer, and states- 
man. Most of these have never been published, and were 
left to me by my father, the late Philip Hamilton, who was 
his youngest son. I have no more ambitious purpose than 
to produce a simple narrative, for there are several impor- 
tant works that fully and formally describe his public ser- 
vices. The latest of these is Oliver's excellent book, which 
is a noble monument to the memory of Hamilton. If I have 
gone into detail very minutely it is because of the belief that 
the familiar side of his life will be of interest to a great many 
people who have hitherto been furnished only with unauthen- 
tic generalities. 

A few of the letters already published by the late John C. 
Hamilton and Senator Lodge, or which appear in the Life 
of James McHenry, have been used, and some of these are 
little known. 

It is a pleasure to express my obligation to Delos 
McCurdy, Esq., and H. D. Estabrook, Esq., of the New 
York Bar; to Worthington C. Ford, Esq., Librarian of the 



viii PREFACE 

Massachusetts Historical Society; Wilberforce Eames, Esq., 
Librarian of the Lenox Library; Edward T, Holden, Esq., 
Librarian of the United States Military Academy; William 
H. Winters, Librarian of the New York Law Institute; 
to Richard Church, Esq., of Rochester, New York, and 
R. K. Bixby, Esq., of St. Louis, Missouri, as well as others, 
for kindly and valuable help. 

Allan McLane Hamilton. 

New York, June i, 1910. 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Origin and Parentage i 

II. Personal Characteristics 29 

III. As A Writer and Orator 61 

IV. Elizabeth Hamilton 95 

V. Courtship and Marriage 118 

VI. Hamilton the Lawyer 148 

VII. Hamilton the Lawyer (concluded) .... 177 

VIII. Family Life 200 

IX. Friends and Enemies 239 

X. The Years from 1790 to 1800 283 

XI. Building a Home 336 

XII. Hamilton and Burr 357 

XIII. The Duel 384 

Appendices 432 

Index 477 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Alexander Hamilton at 37 Frontispiece 

From the painting by James Sharpless 

FACING PAGE 

The House where Hamilton Began His Career 4 

West End, St. Croix 

Fac-simile Letter of Martha Washington 18 

Fac-simile of Early Greek Exercises 24 

Fac-simile of Appointment as Aide-de-camp 36 

James Kent 46 

Elizabeth Hamilton: Age 28 96 

From a painting by Ralph Earle in 1787 

Elizabeth Hamilton: Age 94 116 

From a charcoal sketch by Martin, 1851 

Major Andre 134 

General Philip Schuyler's Homestead at Albany 136 

Dr. James McHenry 144 

From an engraved portrait by St. Memin 



Fac-simile of Hamilton's Brief in the Trespass Case 
Fac-simile of Trial Notes in the Le Guen Case . . 
Wall Street in the Seventeenth Century .... 

Philip Hamilton (the First) : Age 20 

Philip Hamilton (the Second), '' Little Phil ": Age 78 



154 
194 
208 
210 



xii ILLUSTRATIONS 

FACING PAGE 

Marquis Gilbert Motier de La Fayette 246 

Prince Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord 254 

Fac-simile of Broadside 292 

Alexander Hamilton: Age 45 310 

From a painting by John Trumbull 

The Grange — about 1864 340 

Reproduction of Garden Plan 348 

Aaron Burr 376 

From an engraved portrait by St. Memin 

Fac-simile of Letter from Alexander Hamilton to Mrs. Hamilton . 394 

The Pistols Used by Hamilton and Burr 408 

General Philip Schuyler 410 

From the painting by John Trumbull, 1792 

Fac-simile of Power of Attorney 414 

The Grave of Alexander Hamilton Tail-piece, 431 



THE INTIMATE LIFE 

OF 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



THE INTIMATE LIFE OF 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

CHAPTER I 
ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 

Alexander Hamilton came into the world on January 
II, 1757, his birthplace being Nevis, a mountainous island 
of the picturesque Antilles, 18° and 18' longitude and 62° 37' 
latitude. Nevis has an area of about sixty square miles, 
and was colonized by the British in 1728. It is quite near 
St. Christopher, or "St. Kitts," and both islands were in 
1757, and are to-day, under the same local government. 
Within a comparatively short distance is St. Croix, which 
became a Danish possession early in the eighteenth century.* 
These three islands are the centre of the greatest interest 
so far as the early history of Hamilton is concerned. 

Much unnecessary speculation has arisen regarding Ham- 
ilton's antecedents, but why there should have been so much 
mystery is a matter of wonder, considering that many of his 
own letters, referring to his family, have for a long time 
been in existence and are easy of access, so that there is 
little doubt as to his paternity or early history. 

Gouverneur Morris, Bancroft, Lodge, and others, have 
from time to time hinted at vague stories regarding his 

* 1733- 

I 



2 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

illegitimacy, and he has been described as the son of various 
persons, among them a Danish governor of one of the islands; 
and as a half-brother of his friend and playmate, Edward 
Stevens, whom he is said to have closely resembled, and who 
was afterward sent to the United States, to be educated by 
the Rev. Mr. Knox, with Hamilton. This early friendship 
was continued through life, although there does not appear 
to be anything in their subsequent intercourse to show that 
they were more than friends. Timothy Pickering left among 
his memoirs a statement which has been resurrected by 
Cabot Lodge, and, although alluded to by him as "mere 
gossip," was brought forward and published in his volume 
of the "Statesmen's Series." In this Mr. Pickering relates 
an interview which he had with a Mr. James Yard in Phila- 
delphia, who was a brother-in-law of Mr. Stevens, both of 
them having married the daughters of a Danish governor 
of the West Indies named Walterstorff. Yard told Picker- 
ing that Hamilton was the son of a Scotch gentleman named 
Hamilton; that Hamilton and Stevens went to school to- 
gether; that after the death of Hamilton, an aunt came to New 
York and spent some time in Hamilton's house, from which 
fact Yard concluded that Mrs. Hamilton must have received 
full information as to her husband's parentage, there being 
a vague inference that Hamilton and Stevens had the same 
father. 

From documents in my possession, it does not appear that 
this lady, who was Mrs. Ann Mitchell, ever visited Mrs. 
Hamilton during Hamilton's lifetime, although she came 
to America before his death. She lived at Burlington, 
New Jersey, and was befriended by Elisha Boudinot, a 
brother of Elias, and, after the death of Alexander Hamil- 
ton, by Mrs. Hamilton, who provided for her. Although 
Hamilton seems to have been very fond of her — for he 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 3 

referred to her even in his last letter to his wife as his best 
friend — it is not at all certain that she was his aunt; 
in fact, in his expense account-book the following entry 
appears: "July 11, 1796: Donation to my Cozen^ Mrs. 
Mitchell; draft upon me $100." 

Lodge's speculations regarding the early history of Hamil- 
ton first appeared in 1882, and were based in part on the 
unsatisfactory and inexact statements made by his son, 
John C. Hamilton, who in his works made the mistake of 
not publishing the letters of his father in their entirety, for 
what reason it does not appear. It has been clearly shown 
that Hamilton's father lived until June 3, 1799, and his 
mother only until February 16, 1768, when the son was 
but eleven years old and she thirty-two. 

These matters are settled by the church records of the 
island of St. Vincent, where the father lived for many years 
until his death, ^ and by those of St. Kitts, where the mother 
was buried, under the name of Rachel Levine, so that the 
confused story referred to by Pickering was not only wrong 
in regard to the statement that Hamilton's mother lived to a 
good old age, but probably erroneous as to his other infor- 
mation. That Hamilton knew of his origin is well attested 
by various letters that have been preserved, some of which 
are here reproduced. His father and younger brother, 
James, frequently wrote to him, or sent drafts which w^re 
honored; and in the expense book above referred to, in the 
years 1796-7, 8, and 9, this sum amounted to several thou- 
sand dollars, which was a great deal for him to pay, con- 
sidering the crippled condition of his finances, and the 

' Obsolete way of spelling cousin. 

* Doctor Edward Stevens wrote to Alexander Hamilton August 1 2, 1803, saying that 
he had been to St. Croix and had asked Governor Walterstorff regarding the 
existence of a will left by Hamilton's father. This he traced to Doctor Knox, one 
of the executors, but it could not be found among the papers of the latter. 



4 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

many other demands upon his slender purse. There is 
absolutely no proof, as has been stated, that his father was 
married twice, or that James was a half-brother. 

That he was aware of the existence of his half-brother, 
Peter Levine, is shown by a letter to General Nathaniel 
Greene; in 1782 he also wrote to his wife as follows: 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizebeth Hamilton^ 

Engrossed by our own immediate concerns, I omitted 
telling you of a disagreeable piece of intelligence I have 
received from a gentleman ot Georgia. He tells me of the 
death of my brother Levine. You know the circumstances 
that abate my distress, yet my heart acknowledges the 
rio;hts of a brother. He dies rich, but has disposed of the 
bulk of his fortune to strangers. I am told he has left me a 
legacy. I did not inquire how much. When you have 
occasion for money you can draw upon Messrs. Stewart & 
[illegible], Philadelphia. They owe me upwards of an 
hundred pounds. 

That he really was the son of James Hamilton, and was 
aware of the fact, is also shown by letters written to his 
bethrothed as early as 1780, and later by those to others, 
among them Robert Troup. 

Alexander Hamilton to Robert Troup, July 25, 1795 

I hesitated whether I would not also secure a preference 
to the Drafts of my father, but these, as far as I am con- 
cerned, being a voluntary engagement, I doubted the justice 
of the measure, and I have done nothing. I repeat it lest 
they should return upon him and increase his distress. 
Though as I am informed, a man of respectable connections 
in Scotland, he became, as a merchant, bankrupt at an early 

'Probably 1782. 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 5 

day in the West Indies and is now in indigence. I have 
pressed him to come to us, but his age and infirmity have 
deterred him from the change of climate. 

James Hamilton to his so?j Alexander Hamilton^ 

St. Vincent, Jurie 12, 1793. 

Dear Alexander: I wrote you a letter, inclosed in one 
to Mr. Donald, of Virginia, since which I have had no fur- 
ther accounts from you. My bad state of health has pre- 
vented my going to sea at this time — being afflicted with a 
complication of disorders. 

The war which has lately broken out between France and 
England makes it very dangerous going to sea at this time. 
However, we daily expect news of a peace, and when that 
takes place, provided it is not too late in the season, I will 
embark in the first vessel that sails for Philadelphia. 

I have now settled all my business in this part of the 
world, with the assistance of my good friend, Mr. Donald, 
who has been of every service to me that lay in his power, 
in contributing to make my life easy at this advanced period 
of life. The bearer of this. Captain Sheriff, of the brig 
Dispatch, sails direct for Philadelphia, and has promised to 
deliver you this letter with his own hands; and as he returns 
to this island from Philadelphia, I beg you will drop me a 
few lines, letting me know how you and your family keep 
your health, as I am uneasy at not having heard from you 
for some time past. I beg my respectful compliments to 
Mrs. Hamilton and your children, and wishing you health 
and happiness, I remain, with esteem, dear Alexander, 
Your very affectionate father, 

James Hamilton. 

' The Works of Alexander Hamilton, comprising his correspondence and his 
political and official writings, etc., edited by John C. Hamilton. Vol. V, p. 567. 
New York: John F. Trow, 1850. 



6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Alexander Hamilton to his brother James Hamilton, Jr} 

New York, June 23, 1783. 

My dear Brother: I have received your letter of the 
31st of May last, which, and one other, are the only letters I 
have received from you in many years. I am a little sur- 
prised you did not receive one which I wrote to you about 
six months ago. The situation you describe yourself to be 
in gives me much pain, and nothing will make me happier 
than, as far as may be in my power, to contribute to your 
relief. 

I will cheerfully pay your draft upon me for fifty pounds 
sterling, whenever it shall appear. I wish it was in my 
power to desire you to enlarge the sum; but though my 
future prospects are of the most flattering kind, my present 
ensaeements would render it inconvenient for me to advance 
you a larger sum. 

My affection for you, however, will not permit me to be 
inattentive to your welfare, and I hope time will prove to 
you that I feel all the sentiments of a brother. Let me only 
request of you to exert your industry for a year or two 
more where you are, and at the end of that time I promise 
myself to be able to invite you to a more comfortable 
settlement in this country. Allow me only to give you 
one caution, which is, to avoid if possible, getting into 
debt. Are you married or single } If the latter, it is my 
wish, for many reasons, that you may continue in that 
state. 

But what has become of our dear father .? It is an age 
since I have heard from him, or of him though I have 
written him several letters. Perhaps, alas! he is no more, 
and I shall not have the pleasing opportunity of contributing 
to render the close of his life more happy than the progress 
of it. My heart bleeds at the recollection of his misfort- 

* " Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton or Men and Events at Home and 
Abroad During Three-Quarters of a Century," p. 2. New York: Charles Scrib- 
ner & Co., 1869. (This letter is also published in its entirety in "A Few of Hamil- 
ton's Letters," by Gertrude Atherton. New York: 1903, p. 136.) 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 7 

unes and embarrassments. Sometimes I flatter myself his 
brothers have extended their support to him, and that now 
he is enjoying tranquillity and ease; at other times I fear 
he is sufi^ering in indigence. I entreat you, if you can, to 
relieve me from my doubts, and let me knovv^ how or where 
he is, if alive; if dead, how and where he died. Should he 
be alive inform him of my inquiries, beg him to write to 
me, and tell him how ready I shall be to devote myself and 
all I have to his accommodation and happiness. 

I do not advise your coming to this country at present, 
for the war has also put things out of order here, and people 
in your business find a subsistence difficult enough. My 
object will be, by and by, to get you settled on a farm. 

Believe me, always your affectionate friend and brother, 

Alex. Hamilton. 



Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler 
(written prior to 17 80) 

I wrote you, my dear, in one of my letters that I had 
written to our father, but had not heard of him since, that 
the operations in the islands hitherto cannot affect him, that 
I had pressed him to come to America after the peace. A 
gentleman going to the island where he is, will in a few days 
afford me a safe opportunity to write again. I shall again 
present him with his black-eyed daughter, and tell him how 
much her attention deserves his affection and will make the 
blessing of his gray hairs. . . . 

The general ignorance that exists regarding Hamilton's 
origin and intimate life has prompted me to publish fully 
all I know about him, and in doing this I must express 
my indebtedness to Gertrude Atherton, who has made a 
conscientious hunt for material, with remarkable success. 
The conclusions are that Alexander Hamilton was the son 
of James Hamilton, who was the fourth son of Alexander 



8 ALEXANOKR lIAMll VON 

Ihinillton, Laird of the Cranj>o, in tlio Parish of" Stevenston, 
A) rsliire, Scotlaml. ami his witV, Kh/ahoth (cUlost daugh- 
ter ot Sir RoluMt l\>lliHk.), wlio were niarrieil in tlie year 
17^0.' The ll.iinihons o{' Grange heloui^id lo tin- C\inihus- 
keith hr.iiuh i>t ilu- hoiisi' of llaniiUon, and i\\c ImuuliM" of 
this hraiuli, ii\ the fourteentli eenturv, was \\ aher de 
Haiuilti>n, who was tlie eoninion aneestor o( the Hukt^s of 
Hamilton, tlie Dukis o( Ahereorn, Marls ol I LuKhni;ton, 
Viscounts HoN'ne, l>arons Belhaven, several rxtinet peer- 
ages, and of all the Seoteh and Irish Hamilton faniilies. 
He was fifth In descent from Rohert, Karl of Mellent, 
created hv Henry I oi' France anil His (^^ueen, who was a 
daughter o\' )eroslaus. Czar oi Russia. - 

His mother, Rachel Fawcett,' was ln>rn in the island oC 
Nevis, and when a jrirl o\' harely sixteen was torceil into 
marriage with a rich Danish jew, one John Michael Levine 
(or l.awiin\ who treated her cruelly. The marriage was 
evidenth i>ne o[ very great unhappiness from the Inginning, 
so that slu' w as fi>rced to lea\ e him and return to her mother's 
roof. 

This was in 17^^ or 1756. Her mother, from .dl .iccomus, 
althouirh a wi>m.in of ^reat loveliness and ch.iini, was am- 
hitious and masterful, and had very decided ideas of her own 
regardii^g her daughter's future.^ She herself had had 
matrimonial trouhles, and had separated from her hushand 

' .\ppeinlix A. 

* "llistoiicul and Cionealogical Memoirs of the House of Hamilton, with Clenoa- 
logical Memoirs of the Several Braiulus of the Kumily," hy Jolm Ai\(lersi>n, Sur- 
geon, Licentiate of the Royal College of Surgeons, lulinhurgh. lulinhurgh, 1S35. 
Simpkins & Marshall, London. 

* Davighter of Dr. John Faweett, a Huguenot exiled after tlie Rev^vation of the 
Edict of Nantes, and Mary, his wife. 

* In 1708 a Mr. HalKwHid, of St. Croix, a cousin of .Mexamlcr ll.imilton, left him 
one-fourth of his estate. He was a grai\dson of James Lytton, who was i>robal>ly 
a hrotlu-r of Hamilti>n's maternal grai\dn\other. See letter in l.oilge's "Works of 
.Mexander Hamilton," C^>n^ titutiv>nal KditiiM\, vo\. IX, p. 415. 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 9 

late in life, after having had several children, but the mother 
of Hamilton came a long time after the others, and was 
brought up in unrestful surroundings, later witnessing the 
family quarrels. Doubtless the influence of much of this, 
coupled with the persuasion of her mother, led to the alliance 
with a man much older than herself, who finally made life 
insupportable. She appears to have been a brilliant and 
clever girl, who had been given every educational advantage 
and accomplishment, and had profited by her opportunities. 
\iy Eevine she had had one s<^)n, who was taken from her by 
liis father, and for a time lived with him, first at St. Croix, 
and afterward in Denmark, and it was not until several years 
afterward that she met James Hamilton, an attractive 
Scotchman, of much charm of manner, in the West Indies, 
with whom she quickly fell in love. Although, as has been 
said, her mother had parted from her own husband, it was 
impossible, owing to the disorderly condition of legal aflPairs 
in the provinces, for the daughter to formally get her freedom 
from the person who had so ruined her life, and although 
every attempt was apparently made, both by Hamilton 
and herself, they seemed unable to obtain any relief from 
the local courts, and lived together until her death, which 
occurred February 25, 1768, when she was thirty-two years 
old. It is quite true that the courts of St. Croix were avail- 
able, but this was a Danish island, and Levine was a Dane, 
and a man of great local influence, which was used against 
them, so that their eflForts were thwarted. 

The social life of England and the colonies during the 
eighteenth century was, to say the least, unsettled, and this 
is especially true so far as the morals of the better class were 
concerned. According to Lodge, "divorce was extremely 
rare in any of the colonies, and even In FLngland, and in the 
crown provinces it involved long, diflicult, and expensive 



10 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

proceedings of the greatest publicity." * In fact, if we may be 
guided by the existing reports, annulment was resorted to 
much more often than divorce, and it is impossible to find 
any account of the existence of divorce laws on the islands 
of St. Kitts or Nevis; according to well-informed persons, 
there was even no act providing for separate maintenance. 

Marriage rites were informal and elopements common, 
both in Great Britain and her dependencies; in fact, it was 
not until the passage of Lord Hardwick's marriage bill, and 
the energetic labors of Wilberforce, that the solemn nature of 
the marriage rite was established. Even then Hardwick's 
bill was opposed by Henry Fox, who had married a daughter 
of the Duke of Richmond, and with the subsequent ascend- 
ancy of the gay Walpoles and Pelhams there was more 
tolerance with irregular marriages than ever. 

Lecky^ and, later, Sir George Russell,^ referred to the 
casual nature of the marriage customs, and the easy manner 
in which unions were made and broken, and at this time the 
pilgrimages to Gretna Green of those who were impatient of 
the law's delays or the objections of discriminating parents, 
were frequent. 

In referring to the easily solemnized marriages which did 
not endure. Swift said: "The art of making nets is very dif- 
ferent from the art of making cages," and very little, if any, 
odium was attached to those who took matters into their own 

■ Harold Hargrove, Esq., a member of the English bar, informs me that prior to 
1857 the divorce proceedings known as a vinculo matrimonii (equivalent to our 
modern nullity of marriage decree), which enabled the parties to marry again, could 
only be obtained for some canonical disability, existing at the time of the marriage, 
such as that the parties were within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, or 
one of them was not consenting, or not of sound mind, or unable to perform the 
duties of matrimony, etc. It was not granted jor adultery or cruelty in any court of 
law, and the only way to obtain it was by a private act of Parliament. Divorce 
a mensa et thoro (equivalent to our modern separation) could be obtained for 
adultery or cruelty prior to 1857, but neither of the parties could marry again. 

' "England in the Eighteenth Century," vol. I, p. 531. 

^"Collections and Recollections," p. 87. 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE n 

hands. In this country elopement was so common as to be 
a popular proceeding among the higher classes, and many of 
our forefathers chose this romantic and unconventional, but 
in those times perfectly innocent manner of mating. Four 
of General Philip Schuyler's daughters ** arranged and took 
charge of their own marriages,^ that of his daughter who 
married Hamilton being an exception. Her beautiful sister, 
Angelica Church, ran off with an Englishman who came to 
the colonies, it is said, after a duel, and who changed his 
name to Carter, but subsequently resumed his own cogno- 
men of John Barker Church, and was afterward the Com- 
missary for Rochambeau. 

Many other young women did the same thing, among 
them a daughter of Henry Cruger, who eloped with Peter 
van Schaak, and "Peggy" White, who ran away with Peter 
Jay. Other young women of romantic inclinations were 
Susannah Reid and Harriet Van Rensselaer. 

Hamilton's father and mother had much in extenuation 
of the bold step they took, and their subsequent mode of life 
does not appear to have been followed by any loss of caste; 
possibly because of the local sympathy, and the knowledge 
of the true facts of their unconventional relationship; and 
again, because there was no doubt of the sincerity and depth 
of their love for each other. From perfectly reliable sources 
it appears, and may be believed, that his mother's first 
husband was a coarse man of repulsive personality, many 
years older than herself. After Rachel left her mother's 
house and went to James Hamilton, Alexander Hamilton 
was born a year later. Levine then divorced her. In the 
records of the Ember Court of St. Croix it appears that 
"John Michael Levine (Lawein) was granted a divorce for 

'"Catherine Schuyler," by Mary Gay Humphreys, p. 189. New York, 1891. 
Scribner. 



12 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

abandonment, and Levine was permitted to marry again ; 
but she, being the defendant, was not." 

It is said that Levine was not above depriving his wife's 
children by her union with Hamilton of the inheritance from 
their mother. At her death in 1768 she possessed several 
slaves which she left to her sons, Alexander and James 
Hamilton. John Michael Levine subsequently made appli- 
cation for these in "behalf of her lawfully begotten heir, 
Peter Levine. " ^ It is here distinctly stated that the grounds 
for divorce were that she had "absented herself." Mrs. 
Atherton who, in her collection of letters, refers to these facts, 
has made painstaking and careful examination of the records 
of the courts, not only in the West Indies but in Copenhagen, 
and states positively that there was no evidence that she 
deserted her husband to live with Hamilton, but was living 
with her mother in St. Kitts in 1756, when the latter 
appeared upon the scene. In a letter written by Alex- 
ander Hamilton the fact of his mother's unhappy marriage, 
which was brought about by her mother, is mentioned, and 
there seems to be no reason to doubt its truth. Whether 
Levine's 'failure to apply for a divorce on more serious 
grounds was due to a belief in his wife's innocence, or to 
the realization that he had driven her, by his cruelty, to the 
arms of another man whom she truly loved, or whether 
the local court refused to take a severe view of her action 
because of its own knowledge of Levine, and the marriage 
itself, is a matter of speculation. Possibly he may have 
felt some of the magnanimity which, in more recent years, 
actuated Ruskin and Wagner. Certainly the best proof 
that no prejudice existed in after life in regard to Hamilton 
because of his birth are the facts, not only that General 
Washington invited him to become a member of his military 

* The half-brother previously referred to. 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 13 

family, but that General Schuyler heartily approved of the 
marriage with his daughter. 

Hamilton's father does not appear to have been successful 
in any pursuit, but in many ways was a great deal of a 
dreamer, and something of a student, whose chief happiness 
seemed to be in the society of his beautiful and talented wufe, 
who was in every way intellectually his superior. After her 
death he apparently lost all incentive he had before to con- 
tinue any mercantile occupation, and left the island, going 
to St. Vincent, where he lived until a time shortly before his 
son's death. 

It is not evident that Hamilton knew much of his Scotch 
relatives until after the War of the Revolution, although in a 
letter to his brother in 1783 he casually alludes to his uncles. 
In 1797 he wrote a long letter to Alexander Hamilton, the 
Laird of the Grange at the time, which tells very simply the 
story of his career in America and may be here used in an 
introductory way to what is to follow. 

Alexander Hamilton from Alexander Hamilt07i} 

Albany', State of New York, May the 2d, 1797. 

My dear Sir: Some days since I received with great 
pleasure your letter of the loth of March. The mark it 
affords of your kind attention, and the particular account 
it gives me of so many relations in Scotland, are extremely 
gratifying to me. You no doubt have understood that my 
father's affairs at a very early day went to wreck; so as to 
have rendered his situation during the greatest part of his 
life far from eligible. This state of things occasioned a 
separation between him and me, when I was very young, 
and threw me upon the bounty of my mother's relatives, some 
of whom were then wealthy, though by vicissitudes to which 
human affairs are so liable, they have been since much re- 

* "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 243. 



14 ALEXAiNDER HAMILTON 

duced and broken up. Myself at about sixteen came to this 
country. Having always had a strong propensity to literary 
pursuits, by a course of steady and laborious exertion I was 
able, by the age of nineteen, to qualify myself for the degree 
of Bachelor of Arts in the College of New- York, and to lay 
the foundation for preparatory study for the future pro- 
fession of the law. 

The American Revolution supervened. My principles 
led me to take part in it; at nineteen I entered into the 
American army as Captain of Artillery. Shortly after I 
became, by invitation, aid-de-camp to General Washington, 
in which station I served till the commencement of that cam- 
paign which ended with the siege of York in Virginia, and the 
capture of Cornwallis's army. The campaign 1 made at the 
head of a corps of light infantry, with which I was present 
at the siege of York, and engaged in some interesting opera- 
tions. 

At the period of the peace of Great Britain, I found myself 
a member of Congress by appointment of the Legislature of 
this State. 

After the peace, I settled in the city of New- York, in the 
practice of the law; and was in a very lucrative course of 
practice, when the derangement of our public affairs, by the 
feebleness of the general confederation, drew me again re- 
luctantly into public life. I became a member of the Con- 
vention which framed the present Constitution of the United 
States; and having taken part in this measure, I conceived 
myself to be under an obligation to lend my aid towards 
putting the machine in some regular motion. Hence I did 
not hesitate to accept the offer of President Washington to 
undertake the office of Secretary of the Treasury. 

In that office I met w4th many intrinsic difficulties, and 
many artificial ones proceding from passions, not very 
worthy, common to human nature, and which act with pe- 
culiar force in republics. The object, however, was effected 
of establishing public credit, and introducing order in the 
finances. 

Public office in this country has few attractions. The 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 15 

pecuniary emolument is so inconsiderable, as to amount to a 
sacrifice to any man who can employ his time to advantage 
in any liberal profisssion. The opportunity of doing good, 
from the jealousy of power and the spirit of faction, is too 
small in any station, to warrant a long continuance of private 
sacrifices. The enterprises of party had so far succeeded, 
as materially to weaken the necessary influence and energy 
of the Executive authority, and so far diminish the power of 
doing good in that department, as greatly to take away the 
motives which a virtuous man might have for making sacri- 
fices. The prospect was even bad for gratifying in future 
the love of fame, if that passion was to be the spring of action. 

The union of these motives, with the reflections of pru- 
dence in relation to a growing family, determined me as 
soon as my plan had reached a certain maturity, to with- 
draw from ofiice. This I did by a resignation about two 
years since, when I resumed the profession of the law in the 
city of New- York under every advantage I could desire. 

It is a pleasant reflection to me, that since the com- 
mencement of my connection with General Washington to 
the present time, I have possessed a flattering share of his 
confidence and friendship. 

Having given you a brief sketch of my political career, I 
proceed to some further family details. 

In the year 1780 I married the second daughter of General 
Schuyler, a gentleman of one of the best families of this 
country, of large fortune, and no less personal and political 
consequence. It is impossible to be happier than I am in a 
wife; and I have five children, four sons and a daughter, the 
eldest a son somewhat past fifteen, who all promise as well 
as their years permit, and yield me much satisfaction. 
Though I have been too much in public life to be wealthy, 
my situation is extremely comfortable, and leaves me nothing 
to wish but a continuance of health. With this blessing, the 
profits of my profession and other prospects authorize an 
expectation of such addition to my resources as will render 
the eve of life easy and agreeable, so far as may depend on 
this consideration. 



i6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

It is now several months since I have heard from my 
father, who continued at the island of St. Vincent. My 
anxiety at this silence would be greater than it is, were it not 
for the considerable interruption and precariousness of in- 
tercourse which is produced by the war. 

I have strongly pressed the old gentleman to come and 
reside with me, which would afford him every enjoyment of 
which his advanced age is capable; but he has declined it 
on the ground that the advice of his physicians leads him 
to fear that the change of climate would be fatal to him. 
The next thing for me is, in proportion to my means, to 
endeavor to increase his comforts where he is. 

It will give me the greatest pleasure to receive your son 
Robert at my house in New York, and still more to be of use 
to him; to which end, my recommendation and interest will 
not be wanting, and I hope not unavailing. It is my in- 
tention to embrace the opening which your letter affords me 
to extend my intercourse with my relations in your country, 
which will be a new source of satisfaction to me. 

From that time on he and his Ayrshire relatives not only 
kept up a correspondence but he was able to do much in this 
country for his young cousins, one of whom entered the 
American Navy. He, however, never had the chance to 
visit the home of his ancestors, though he came very near so 
doing. On this occasion, when he was urged to go abroad 
as a Commissioner to obtain a loan from France, he resigned 
in favor of his devoted friend John Laurens, who was 
anxious to go to England to seek the release of his father, 
who was then imprisoned in the Tower of London.* To a 
friend Hamilton wrote in 1794: 

'Henry Laurens sailed for Holland in 1780 as a Commissioner to effect a com- 
mercial treaty between the United States and that country, in the Mercury, but was 
captured by the English frigate Vesta. Although he attempted to destroy his papers 
they were recovered, and he was taken to London and imprisoned in the Tower, 
charged with high treason, but was subsequently liberated through the influence of 
Lord Shelburne. His papers contained several which indicated the friendliness 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 17 

My own hope of making a short excursion to Europe 
the ensuing Spring increases. BeHeve me I am heartily tired 
of my situation, and wait only the opportunity of quitting it 
with honor, and without decisive prejudice to public affairs. 
This winter, I trust, will wind up my plans so as to secure 
my reputation. 

The present appearance is that the depending elections 
will prove favorable to the good cause, and obviate anxiety 
for its future. In this event my present determination is to 
resign my political family and set seriously about the care of 
my private family. Previous to this I will visit Europe. 
There I shall have the happiness of meeting you once more. 
But will not a few minutes afterwards give me a pang of 
final separation ? ^ 

This plan like the other came to naught, and it does not 
appear that he ever after made even another attempt to cross 
the Atlantic, for his health became undermined by hard work 
and malarial infection incurred in military service. In a letter 
to Washington in November, 1795, he speaks of this, and a 
year later to the same person he wrote: "I seem now to have 
regularly a period of ill health every summer." In 1793 he 
was seriously ill, having been stricken with yellow fever, and 
his condition thoroughly alarmed his friends, among them 
Mrs. Washington, who showed the deepest solicitude, and in 
many ways attested her friendly interest in one who had 
been a member of the military family. 

Martha Washington to Elizabeth Hamilton 

I am truly glad my Dear Madam to hear Colo. Hamilton is 
better to day. You have my prayers and warmest wishes for 
his recovery. I hope you take care of yourself as you know 

of the Dutch Government with the United States, and because of these and the 
later refusal of Holland to repudiate the acts of its agent in America, war was de- 
clared by Great Britain against the Dutch Republic. 
* "History of the Republic," by John C. Hamilton. 



i8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

it is necessary for your family. — We were luckey to have these 
bottles of the old wine that was carried to the East Indies 
which is sent with three of another kind which is very good, 
and we have a plenty to supply you as often as you please 
to send for it of the latter. 

The President joins me in devoutly wishing Colo. Ham- 
ilton's recovery — we expect to leave this to morrow — and beg 
you will send to Mrs. Emerson for anything that we have that 
you may want. 

I am my dear madam your 

Very affectionate Friend 

M. Washington. 

His sister-in-law also wrote from England: 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton 

London, January 2^th, 1794. 

When my Dear Eliza, when am I to receive a letter from 
you .'' When am I to hear that you are in perfect health, and 
that you are no longer in fear for the life of your dear Ham- 
ilton .? 

For my part, now that the fever is gone, I am all alive to 
the apprehensions of the war. One sorrow succeeds another. 
It has been whispered to me that my friend Alexander means 
to quit his employment of Secretary. The country will lose " 
one of her best friends, and you, my Dear Eliza, will be the 
only person to whom this change can be either necessary or 
agreeable. I am inclined to believe that it is your influence 
induces him to withdraw from public life. That so good a 
wife, so tender a mother, should be so bad a patriot is 
wonderful.* 

The ruined castle of the Cambuskeith Hamiltons was 
known as Kerilaw Castle, and in 1836 when visited by James 
A. Hamilton,^ the second son of Alexander Hamilton, 

' Hamilton resigned as Secretary of the Treasury in 1795. 
'Hamilton, " Reminiscences," etc., p. 302. 







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FAC-SIMILE LETTER OF MARTHA WASHINGTOiN 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 19 

was near a comfortable modern home, then occupied by 
the last Laird of the Grange, who died a year later, and 
who sat in the sunshine feeding hi^ ^igeons, and enter- 
tained his visitor with quaint stories m the manner of 
Stevenson or Crockett, while in the evening he and his 
family very formally brewed their toddy, and ate oat- 
meal biscuit, while the "simple and agreeable tipple occu- 
pied the party for an hour or so in lively chat. "» 

Hamilton's early life has been so often referred to by 
historians that there is little to add, except that from the 
first he displayed all the precocity which led to his subse- 
quent early advancement, and this was undoubtedly stimu- 
lated by his helpless condition, and the necessity for doing 
something. As is known, when but fourteen he conducted 
the affairs of Nicholas Cruger in his absence, writing im- 
portant business letters which, in themselves, showed a 
mature knowledge and ripeness of judgment. 

Alexander Hamilton to Henry Cruger 

St. Croix, February 24th, 1772. 

Henry Cruger, Esq. 

Sir: The 9th ultimo Capt. Robert Gibb handed me your 
favour dated December 19th, 1771, covering Invoice and 
Bill of Lading for sundreys — which are landed in good order 
agreeable thereto. I sold all your lumber off Immediately 
at ;{^i6 luckily enough, the price of that article being now 
reduced to iJ^i2, as great quantitys have been lately imported 
from different parts of this Continent. — Indeed, there must 
be a vast Consumption this Crop — which makes it probable 
that the price will again rise — unless the Crops at windward 
should fall short — as is said to be the case, — whereby we shall 
fair to be Overstocked — the Oats and Cheese I have also 
sold, the former at 6 sh. per Bushell, and the latter at 9 sh. 
pr. Your mahogany is of the very worst kind or I could 

' Appendix B. 



20 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

readily have obtained 6 sh. pr foot for it, but at present tis 
blown upon, tis fit only for end work. 

I enclose you a price Current & refer you thereto for other 
matters. 

Capt. Gibbs was ready to sail seven days after his arrival 
but was detained two days longer by strong Contrary winds 
which made it impossible to get out of the Harbour. 

Believe me Sir Nothing was neglected on my part to give 
him the utmost Dispatch, & considering that his Cargo 
was stowed very Hicheldy-picheldy — the proceeding part of 
it rather uppermost. I think he was dispatched as soon as 
could be expected. — Inclosed you have Invoice of Rum and 
Sugar shipt in the sloop agreeable to your Orders. I could 
not by any means get your Casks filled by any of the planters 
but shall dispose of the HHDS out of which the Rum was 
started for your account, from which however will proceed a 
small loss — Also have account of sloops Port Charges, of 
which I hope and Doubt not youll find right. — 

YouU be a little surprised when I tell you Capt. Gibbs 
was obliged to leave his freight money behind; the reason 

is this; Mr. B would by no means raise his part — tis 

true he might have been compelled by Law, but that would 
have been altogether imprudent — for to have inforced pay- 
ment & to have converted that payment into Joes* — which 
were extremely scarce — would have been attended with de- 
tention of at least ten or twelve days, and the other freights 
were very triffling so that the whole now rests with me, and 

God knows when I shall be able to receive Mr. B part. 

who is long winded enough. Mr. B begs to present his re- 
spects, which concludes Sir. 

Your very Humble St. 

for N— C 
A— H 

When fifteen years old, having shown his cleverness in 
many ways, he was sent to the United States, and landed in 
Boston; subsequently reaching New York, where he met 

' The joe was a Portuguese gold coin of the period. 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 21 

Elias Boudinot, who helped him in the matter of obtaining 
his education. 

At an early age Hamilton developed a facility in expres- 
sion that widened wnth succeeding years, and he accumu- 
lated a remarkably extended vocabulary which is apparent 
in everything that he wrote and said, and if the power 
of thought is measured, as is generally admitted, by the 
extent and accumulation of symbols and ideas, he cer- 
tainly possessed a rich store of both. This seems strange, 
for it does not appear that he had access to many 
books, or received more than the childish education at the 
knee of his mother to the time of her death, when he was 
but eleven years old, although it has been stated that 
in his earliest infancy he was able to read the Hebrew 
Decalogue.^ It is certain that he understood French as 
well as English, and his early literary productions, among 
them the famous account of the tornado, show much pre- 
cocity and fertility of composition. He certainly was able, 
not only to express himself well, but to make a selection 
of terse terms and vigorous English. 

When Hamilton reached America in 1772 he brought 
letters which he delivered to the Rev. Hugh Knox and to 
William Livingston, afterward governor of New Jersey, 
and stayed with the latter at his house, which was known as 
"Liberty Hall," while he attended the school of which 
Dr. Barber was the head master, at Elizabethtown. In the 

' This is evidently a misstatement upon the part of an enthusiastic biographer. 
In none of his writings is there anything to indicate his familiarity with Hebrew. 
It does appear, however, that he studied Semitic history, and in a fugitive scrap of 
writing, which is evidently a part of an essay, says: "... progress of the Jews and 
their [illegible] from the earliest history to the present time has been and is en- 
tirely out of the ordinary course of human affairs. Is it not then, a fair conclusion 
that the cause also is an extraordinary one — in other words, that it is the effect of 
some great providential plan? The man who will draw this conclusion will look 
for the solution in the Bible — He who will not draw it ought to give in another fair 
solution. " 



22 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

winter of 1773-4 he was ready for college and would have 
entered Princeton, but he went to President Witherspoon 
with a proposition that he should be allowed to pass from 
one class to another when so qualified, instead of following 
the usual routine of the university. This proposal was not 
acceded to, so he turned his steps to King's College in New 
York, which was then situated between the streets that are 
now Church, Greenwich, Barclay, and Murray. The 
president was the Rev. Dr. Myles Cooper, a stanch loyal 
Englishman, who had succeeded Samuel Johnson, the first 
president of the college, and with him were associated Dr. 
Samuel Clossey, who taught medicine, and Dr. Peter Mid- 
dleton. Dr. Clossey was a clever Irish surgeon and a 
graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, and came to America 
in 1764, when he was forty-nine years old. He left an 
active medical practice to emigrate, and a year after his 
arrival was appointed to King's College as Professor of 
Natural Philosophy, but subsequently was selected for the 
Chair of Anatomy, which he filled until 1774. He was a 
loyalist and did not at all sympathize with the colonists, so 
finding the atmosphere of New York uncongenial, returned to 
England, resigning his professorial position, and giving up 
his American practice. Dr. Peter Middleton lectured upon 
Chemistry.* 

* Hamilton subsequently, many years later, appeared to uphold the will of his old 
teacher, Dr. Peter Middleton, and was opposed by Aaron Burr. This instrument, 
made by Middleton in 1780, amongst other bequests, leaves to his old friends Doctors 
Bard, Mallet, Michalis, and Bayley, all distinguished physicians of the period, who 
took care of him during his last illness, each a mourning ring; and to his daughter 
Susan, "my old wench Kaid, and also my negro lad Fortune, upon the express con- 
dition that my said daughter give over to John B. Middleton, above mentioned, all 
her right and title to the negro child James, but should the said wench Kaid or lad 
Fortune be inattentive to my said daughter or not promoting her interest and happi- 
ness as much as is in their power, as long as my said daughter is under age or un- 
married; or, if they refuse going with her wherever her fortune or inclination may 
induce her to go, I then direct my executors after-named to sell said wench Kaid or 
lad Fortune to the highest bidder. " 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 23 

The faculty seems to have been limited to these three men, 
to Dr. Cooper being assigned Latin, Greek, EngHsh, mathe- 
matics, and philosophy. Hamilton followed the rules which 
he afterward laid down for the guidance of his son Philip, 
and from morning till night led an abstemious life and de- 
voted himself to his work, taking the literary course, and also 
studying medicine. 

Here he had no trouble in advancing as rapidly as he 
chose; but his college course was brought to a close by the 
famous meeting in the "Fields," and his sudden entrance 
into public life.^ New York was tardy in following the ex- 
ample of the other colonies in open and effective rebellion, 
and in uniting to form the first Congress. Alexander McDou- 
gall, Isaac Sears and others who belonged to the "Sons of 
Liberty," who later showed their patriotism in a number of 
riotous acts, were the prime movers in organizing a public 
meeting in what is now the City Hall Park. It was their ob- 
ject to stir the half-hearted Assembly to some action, and to 
urge upon it the meaning of heeding the voice of the patriots 
who were daily increasing in numbers. This was the occa- 
sion for Hamilton, a mere stripHng, to force his way through 
the crowd to the front, and make a stirring address which 
seems to have aroused the assemblage more than the speeches 
of older men. This was really the opening of his career, and 
the impression he made as an orator was all the more pro- 
found because of his very physical immaturity. It does not 
appear from the records of the college that he graduated, but 
that his career as a soldier and patriot really began in the 
midst of the curriculum. 

He was then but seventeen, and he had already begun to 
command attention by his eloquence and by his contribu- 

' He did not graduate, but was subsequently given an A.M. and the degree of 
Doctor of Law by Special act of Legislature in 1788. 



24 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

tions to the Age and Holt's Gazette^ where he became en- 
gaged in controversies with his own college president, who 
would not believe that the boy he had taught could pro- 
duce such "well-reasoned and cogent political disquisitions." 

It was at this time that Hamilton organized his students' 
corps, who adopted the name "Hearts of Oak" and who 
promptly performed a number of rebellious acts, such as 
removing the cannon from the Battery under fire of the 
British ship-of-war Asia, at anchor in the bay. 

Trevelyan^ refers to the outbreak of these young patriots, 
and alludes to the fact that "there was very little bloodshed, 
but some profanation, for later young Alexander Hamilton 
at the battle of Princeton, with the irreverence of a student 
fresh from a rival place of education, planted his guns on the 
sacred green of the academical campus, and fired a six- 
pound shot, which is said to have passed through the head 
of King George the Second's portrait in the chapel." 

The later extreme violence of some of the patriots was dis- 
tasteful to Hamilton, and he resented the idea of the incur- 
sions of patriots from other colonies. When Isaac Sears 
came down with the mounted horse and destroyed Riving- 
ton's press, Hamilton protested and wrote to John Jay: 



Alexander Hamilton to John Jay 

New York, Novem. 26, 1775. 

Dear Sir: I take the liberty to trouble you with some 
remarks on a matter which to me appears of not a little im- 
portance; doubting not that you will use your influence in 
congress to procure a remedy for the evil I shall mention, 
if you think the considerations I shall urge are of that 
weight they seem in my judgent to possess. 

* "The American Revolution," part II, vol. II, p. 137. 



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FAC-SIMILE OF EARLY GREEK EXERCISES 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 25 

You will probably ere this reaches you have heard of the 
late incursion made into this city by a number of horsemen 
from New England under the command of Capt. Sears, 
who took away M^ Rivington's types and a Couteau or two. 
— Though I am fully sensible how dangerous and per- 
nicuous Rivington's press has been, and how detestable the 
character of the man is in every respect, yet I cannot help 
disapproving and condemning this step. 

In times of such commotion as the present, while the pas- 
sions of men are worked up to an uncommon pitch there is 
great danger of fatal extremes. The same state of the pas- 
sions which fits the multitude, who have not a sufficient stock 
of reason and knowledge to guide them, for opposition to 
tyranny and oppression, very naturally leads them to a con- 
tempt and disregard of all authority. The due medium 
is hardly to be found among the more intelligent, it is almost 
possible among the unthinking populace. When the minds 
of these are loosened from their attachment to ancient es- 
tablishments and courses, they seem to grow giddy and are 
apt more or less to run into anarchy. These principles, too 
true in themselves, and confirmed to me both by reading 
and my own experience, deserve extremely the attention of 
those, who have the direction of public affairs. In such 
tempestuous times, it requires the greatest skill in the political 
pilots to keep men steady and within proper bounds, on 
which account I am always more or less alarmed at every 
thing which is done of mere will and pleasure without any 
proper authority. Irregularities I know are to be expected, 
but they are nevertheless dangerous and ought to be checked, 
by every prudent and moderate mean. From these gen- 
eral maxims, I disapprove of the irruption in question, as 
serving to cherish a spirit of disorder at a season when men 
are too prone to it of themselves. 

Moreover, New England is very populous and powerful. 
It is not safe to trust to the virtue of any people. Such pro- \ 
ceedings will "serve to" pToduce and encourage a spirit of en- 
croachment and arrogance in them. I like not to see potent 



26 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

neighbours indulged in the practice of making inroads at 
pleasure into this or any other province. 

You well know too, Sir, that antipathies and prejudices 
have long subsisted between this province and New England. 
To this may be attributed a principal part of the disaffection 
now prevalent among us. Measures of the present nature, 
however they may serve to intimidate, will secretly revive 
and increase those ancient animosities, which though smoth- 
ered for a while will break out when there is a favorable 
opportunity. 

Besides this, men coming from a neighbouring province to 
chastise the notorious friends of the ministry here, will hold 
up an idea to our enemies not very advantageous to our 
affairs. They will imagine that the New Yorkers are to- 
tally, or a majority of them disaffected to the American 
cause which makes the interposal of their neighbours nec- 
essary: or that such violences will breed differences and 
effect that which they have been so eagerly wishing, a di- 
vision and quarreling among ourselves. Everything of such 
an aspect must encourage their hopes. 

Upon the whole the measure is condemned, by all the 
cautious and prudent among the whigs, and will evidently 
be productive of secret jealousy and ill blood if a stop is not 
put to things of this kind for the future. 

All the good purposes that could be expected from such a 
step will be answered; and many ill consequences will be 
prevented if your body gently interposes a check for the 
future. Rivington will be intimidated & the tories will be 
convinced that the other colonies will not tamely see the 
general cause betrayed by the Yorkers. — A favourable idea 
will be impressed of your justice & impartiality in dis- 
couraging the encroachments of any one province on 
another; and the apprehensions of prudent men respecting 
the ill-effects of an ungoverned spirit in the people of New 
England will be quieted — Believe me Sir it is a matter of 
consequence and deserves serious attention. 

The tories it is objected by some are growing insolent and 



ORIGIN AND PARENTAGE 27 

clamorous: It is necessary to repress and overawe them. — 
There is truth in this; but the present remedy is a bad one. 
Let your body station in different parts of the province most 
tainted, w^ith the ministerial infection, a few regiments of 
troops, raised in Philadelphia the Jerseys or any other prov- 
ince except New England. These will suffice to strengthen 
and support the Whigs who are still I flatter myself a large 
majority and to suppress the efforts of the tories. The pre- 
tense for this would be plausible. There is no knowing how 
soon the Ministry may make an attempt upon New York: 
There is reason to believe they will not be long before they 
turn their attention to it — In this there will be some order & 
regularity, and no grounds of alarm to our friends. — 
I am Sir with very great Esteem 

Your most hum Servant 

A. Hamilton. 

Jay subsequently wrote to Nathaniel Woodhull, President 
of the Provincial Congress of New York, communicating 
Hamilton's views: 

The New England exploit is much talked of and conjec- 
tures are numerous as to the part the Convention will take 
relative to it. Some consider it as an ill compliment to the 
Government of the Province, and prophesy that you have 
too much Christian meekness to take any notice of it. For 
my own part I do not approve of the feat, & think it neither 
argues much wisdom nor much bravery; at any rate, if it was 
to have been done, I wish our own people, and not strangers, 
had taken the liberty of doing it. I confess I am not a little 
jealous of the honour of the Province, and am persuaded 
that its reputation cannot be maintained without some little 
spirit being mingled with its prudence. 

Hamilton appears, even when the chance for a system- 
atic education was denied him, to have gone on with his 



28 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

studies, and to have worked constantly to the end of his life, 
acquiring a vast amount of learning of all kinds, which is 
manifest in everything he wrote, especially in his briefs, 
which always contained copious Latin and Greek quota- 
tions and every evidence of profound cultivation. 



CHAPTER II 
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 

Much misapprehension exists as to the appearance of 
Hamilton, some of which is due to the idea that because his 
birthplace was the West Indies, he presented the physical 
characteristics of those born under a tropical sun. 

He is referred to by various authors as a "Creole," or a 
"swarthy young West Indian," and most of his biographers 
picture him as being dark in color, and "having black hair 
and piercing black eyes." One enthusiastic negro preacher, 
extolling his virtues as champion of that race during the 
Revolutionary War, when he favored the enlistment of black 
soldiers, recently went so far as to suggest, at a public meeting 
in the city of New York, that Hamilton's veins surely con- 
tained African blood. In reality he was fair and had 
reddish-brown hair, and a specimen before me proves this 
to have been the case. It has a certain glint which was prob- 
ably more marked at an earlier period; but even now there 
is no difficulty in finding that it belonged to a person of the 
semi-blonde type.* His eyes were a deep blue — almost 
violet — and he undoubtedly presented the physical appear- 
ance of his Scotch father rather than his French mother:^ 

' This lock of hair was given to his wife some time before December, 1780. 

^ George Shea (" Life and Epoch of Alexander Hamilton," Houghton, Osgood 
& Co., Boston, 1879) confirms this and thus describes Hamilton's appearance: "A 
bright, ruddy complexion; light-colored hair; a mouth infinite in expression, its sweet 
smile being most observable and most spoken of; eyes lustrous with deep meaning 
and reflection, or glancing with quick, canny pleasantry, and the whole countenance 
decidedly Scottish in form and expression. . . . His political enemies frankly spoke 
of his manner and conversation, and regretted its irresistible charm." 

29 



30 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

His eyes were deep set, his nose long, and of the Roman type, 
and he had a good chin, the jaw being strong; the mouth 
firm and moderately large. He is variously referred to by his 
biographers as "The Little Lion," and "The Little Giant,'* 
but although short of stature, he was not notably so, being 
about five feet seven inches in height. 

SuUivan described him as "under middle size, thin in 
person, but remarkably erect and dignified in his deport- 
ment. His hair was turned back from his forehead, pow- 
dered and collected in a club behind. His complexion was 
exceedingly fair, and varying from this only by the almost 
feminine rosiness of his cheeks. His might be considered, as 
to figure and color, an uncommonly handsome face. When 
at rest it had rather a severe, thoughtful expression, but when 
engaged in conversation it easily assumed an attractive smile. 
When he entered a room it was apparent, from the respect- 
ful attention of the company, that he was a distinguished 
person."^ 

From the available portraits, which are numerous but are 
not artistically remarkable, and most of them evidently unre- 
liable, very little impression is to be gained of his figure or 
how he actually looked, in repose or when animated. Even 
such a fruitful painter as Trumbull rarely produced the same 
results in his different pictures ; although his portraits are 
all powerful, yet they have a dramatic quality which is 
somewhat artificial.^ One of the most notable gives Ham- 
ilton bow-legs, while another in the Governor's Room in the 
New York City Hall portrays him as a well-shaped and 
graceful man, of more than medium height. This artist 

_ "'The Public Men of the Revolution," by W. Sullivan, Philadelphia, 1847, p. 260. 
2 There is now said to be in the family of Oliver Wolcott a pastel, copied in 1832 
from an original painted in 1792, and referred to in Trumbull's book. ("Remi- 
niscences of His Own Times" (1756-1811), by Col. J. Trumbull, Wiley & Putnam, 
1841.) 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 31 

seemed to have had special facility for studying his subject, 
for he was always an intimate and devoted friend, and 
after his death left a large number of personal relics of 
Hamilton, among them a fowling-piece and other belong- 
ings of his early friend, which he had evidently carefully 
treasured until the end of his life.* 

At the end of the eighteenth century, itinerant portraits 
being in vogue, we find all kinds of daubs, and all grades of 
depicted ugliness in the canvases that have been preserved. 
Those of Peale are often decidedly unflattering, for he does 
not seem to have known how to paint the eyes of his sub- 
jects, and he has made sad work with Hamilton. There are 
numerous other portraits, but many of them are said to be 
those of other persons.^ 

The history of the Hamilton pictures is interesting, but it 
is often difficult to trace their wanderings.^ That of Trum- 
bull was painted at the request of Gulian Verplanck and 
others, who, in the year 1791, requested that it should 
"typify some act of his public career," but Hamilton depre- 
cated any such advertising in the following words: "I shall 
cheerfully obey their wish as far as respects the taking of my 
portrait, but I ask that they will permit it to appear uncon- 
nected with any incident of my political life. The simple 

'Hamilton paid for this fowling-piece and "old Peggy" (probably a dog) on 
May 2, 1798, the sum of $20. 

^See a list of pictures and statuary enumerated in the "A. L. A. Portrait Index," 
p. 644, Washington, D. C, 1906. 

^ Charles Henry Hart, an indefatigable and usually well-informed collector, has 
written much regarding the history of the Hamilton and other portraits. He 
alludes to four only for which Hamilton sat, and to the curious fact that Trum- 
bull's later pictures were made from Ceracci's bust. The four portraits were the 
Sharpless belonging to the author, the Trumbull in the N. Y. Chamber of Com- 
merce, a wretched picture alleged to have been given to John C. Hamilton by Dr. 
Stevens, and one by Charles Wilson Peale painted in 1788. He also refers to the 
work of Archibald and Walter Robertson, no specimens of which can be found, 
although one is reported in Irving's "Washington" and the " National Portraits of 
Distinguished Americans." He also speaks of a youthful portrait which he seeks 
to identify, but I do not think it is of Hamilton. 



32 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

representation of their fellow-citizen and friend will best ac- 
cord with my feelings. " This is the picture that hangs in the 
New York Chamber of Commerce, and of which there are 
several replicas. The best likenesses, however, were evi- 
dently those of Sharpless, an English artist who came to 
Philadelphia about 1796, and made various pictures of 
prominent people, after the Revolution, many of which 
are to-day in existence. Most of his portraits were small, 
but all were very carefully finished, and one of them is 
the frontispiece of this book. The most notable is the so- 
called Talleyrand miniature, by reason of the fact that this 
devoted friend and wily old diplomat was supposed to have 
purloined the picture while visiting in Philadelphia and taken 
it to France, later returning a copy in 1805. The picture he 
took was really a pastel by Sharpless, and upon the 6th of 
December, 1805, Mrs. Hamilton wrote, asking that it be 
returned to her, to which she received a reply from Theophile 
Cazenove, who for many years had been president of the 
Holland Company and a friend of Talleyrand, with this 
letter: 

Theophile Cazenove to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Paris, 10th September, 1805. 

My dear and highly esteemed Lady: Your letter of 
the 6th of December last did not reach me until July, and 
owing to the absence of M. Talleyrand it was sometime 
before I received an answer in reply to your request for the 
picture of the friend we have all lost. Notwithstanding the 
great value M. Talleyrand sets upon the image of the friend 
of whom we speak almost daily, your request and the cir- 
cumstances are of a nature requiring self-sacrifice. The 
picture being executed in pastel, time and crossing the sea 
have impaired it, yet the likeness still remains, and on seeing 
it I fear your tender and afflicted heart will bleed, but tears 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 33 

will assuage these pangs, and my tears will flow with yours. 
May it bring comfort to the wife of the man whose genius 
and firmness have probably created the greatest part of the 
United States, and whose amiable qualities, great good sense, 
and instruction have been a pleasure to his own friends. 
Good God — must such a man fall in such a manner! . . . 
In fear the original picture should not reach you with my 
present letter, I have ordered a copy of it in oil-painting, 
which I send by another opportunity, and which I request 
you will give to my godson^ in case the original shall reach 
you; if not to dispose of the copy in the manner you shall 
wish. . . . M. Talleyrand desires me to tell you of his 
respect and friendship and the part he has taken in your 
affliction. 

Your obedient servant and friend, 

Theophile Cazenove. 

The sculptor's chisel has also been busy, but with little 
result in the way of serious artistic production, if we may 
except the Ceracci bust, the Ball statue which was destroyed 
by fire, and the excellent modern work of Ordway Partridge, 
one of whose striking statues stands in front of a Hamilton 
Club in Brooklyn, and the other at the entrance of Ham- 
ilton Hall, a building of Columbia University. Ceracci's 
bust, which is very strong in its classical character, sug- 
gests a head of one of the Caesars, and is more familiar 
than any other, although Houdin about the same time made 
a bust, when he executed that of Washington, which is also 
well known. Many other stiff and conventional statues exist, 
among them that in Central Park. The majority, however, 
are unworthy of serious consideration because they are com- 
monplace or inartistic. Giuseppe Ceracci came here during 
the French Revolution, but returned to France and was 
guillotined after being concerned in a conspiracy against the 
life of Napoleon. A rather amusing entry in Hamilton's 

'James A. Hamilton. 



34 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

expense-book is the following: "^620.00 on March 3rd, 
1796. For this sum through delicacy paid upon Ceracci's 
draft for making my bust on his own importunity, & *as a 
favour to me.' " 

Ceracci seems to have been a person with rather grandiose 
ideas, for he wrote to Hamilton from Amsterdam in July, 1 797, 
suggesting that he should be employed by the United States 
Government to execute "a colossal, monumental group to 
commemorate National Triumph, and to celebrate the Epoch 
of Glory, to perpetuate the heroes of the Revolution. . . . To 
give an idea of the grandeur of the subject it is necessary to 
imagine a group in sculpture sixty feet high, and having a 
base three hundred feet in circumference. It is to be com- 
posed of sixteen statues fifteen feet high, of Colonels, and 
other characters in marble, an Eagle, and other objects; 
the whole to be surmounted by a figure of Hero in bronze. 
The blocks of marble for each statue would measure 16x6 
perches." The cost was to be ^50,000, an enormous sum 
in those days, and it was to be paid in ten portions. 

There is little contemporary information regarding Hamil- 
ton's actual physical appearance, but two interesting French- 
men who saw much of him and his family have written 
delightfully of the social life in New York during the latter 
half of the eighteenth century, giving us a quaint idea of 
the city as it then was. One of these was J. P. Brissot de 
Warville,^ who, during the French Revolution was a Girondist 
and bitterly opposed to both Danton and Robespierre, and 
took a radical and active part in the affairs of the ever- 
troubled and unstable republic. As editor of the Montteur 
and the Patriot Francais and other newspapers at the time 

'"New Travels in the United States of America," including the "Commerce of 
America with Europe," etc., 2 vols., by the late J. P. Brissot de Warville, assisted 
by Etienne Claviere, 1797. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 35 

of the Directory, he is pictured by Sergent Marceau ^ as 
the original yellow journalist, for his attacks upon his com- 
panions and his attempts at blackmail were of the orthodox 
kind. His first book was published in 1791. Finding his 
position a dangerous one after the overthrow of the Girondists 
he again came to the United States, and on his return pub- 
lished a second book of travels. In this he said: "Mr. Ham- 
ilton is the worthy fellow-laborer of Mr. Madison. He ap- 
pears to be a man of thirty-eight or forty; he is not tall, his 
features are firm and his expression decided; his manner is 
frank and martial. He was aide de camp to Gen. Wash- 
ington who had great confidence in him, and he well merited 
it. Mr. Hamilton has the determined air of a Republican — 
Mr. Madison the meditative air of a politician." 

The Duke de Rochefoucauld-Liancourt was a chivalrous 
loyal gentleman of another kind, and remained with his 
king as long as he could without actual danger to his neck, 
escaping to England with other Royalists. It will be re- 
membered that he was the Grand Master of the king's 
wardrobe, whjen he broke the news of the capture of the 
Bastille to his royal master, and was the first person to tell 
Louis XVI that the Revolution had actually begun. 

At a later period, when Louis was urged to escape to Eng- 
land, he offered him protection, the whole of his fortune, 
reserving only one hundred louis a year for his children, and 
an asylum in the Chateau de Gallon, near Rouen. On August 
7, 1792, the king accepted this magnificent and unselfish 
offer, but almost immediately after changed his mind, as he 
was so in the habit of doing. 

He, too, finally had to leave France, and came to America 
with a letter of introduction to Alexander Hamilton from 

' " Reminiscences of a Regicide." Edited from the original MSS. by M. C. M. 
Simpson. London, 1889. 



36 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

John Jay who was then in London, and the following from 
Angelica Church, and later became one of Hamilton's 
warmest friends. 

Angelica Church to Alexander Hamilton 

London, September 19, 1794. 

My dear Brother: I have very particular and very good 
motives to ask your kindness for the Duke de Liancourt, he 
loved liberty with good sence and moderation; and he meant 
so well towards his country as to introduce into France a 
better system of Agriculture and to soften the situation of the 
Lower class of people there. Virtue, has not found its re- 
ward, for in the many scenes of distress that has afflicted his 
unfortunate country, he like many more good men, has been 
obliged to leave his possessions and seek an Asylum in this 
country. 

He goes to America, and goes there without a friend, 
unless my dear Brother, who is always so good, will extend to 
Monsieur de Liancourt his care — besides many good quali- 
ties, this gentleman is the friend of the Marquis de La- 
Fayette. 

Adieu my dear friend, remember me to Beaumetz^ and 

Monsieur de Talleyrand. , ^ 

^ Angelica Church. 

In writing later he said: "I met again in New York 
M. Hamilton, one of the most interesting men in America. 
He united with dignity and feeling, and much force and 
decision, delightful manners, great sweetness, and was in- 
finitely agreeable. As was generally known he exerted a 
positive influence, and at the same time had much to do with 
the administration of General Washington during the last 
year of the Presidency."" And again: "Mr. Hamilton is one 

' The Chevalier Bon Albert Briosis Beaumetz, a jurist and reviser of the French 
Penal Code. 

= " Voyage dans les Etats-Unis d'Amerique," par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, 
vol. Vin, p. 149. 




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PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS ^-j 

of the finest men in America, at least of those I have seen. 
He has breadth of mind, and even genuine clearness in his 
ideas, facility in their expression, information on all points, 
cheerfulness, excellence of character, and much amiability. 
I believe that even this eulogy is not adequate to his merit. " 

Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church 

Philadelphia, Dec. 8, 1794. 

Liancourt has arrived, and has delivered your letter. I 
pay him all the attention due to his misfortunes and his 
merits. I wish I was a Croesus; I might then afford solid 
consolation to these children of adversity, and how delightful 
it would be to do so. But now, sympathy, kind words, and 
occasionally a dinner are all I can contribute.^ 

Hamilton's personality appears from all sources of infor- 
mation to indicate a mixture of aggressive force and infinite 
tenderness and amiability. The former led him always to 
speak his mind freely — perhaps too freely for his own comfort 
when he knew he was right, and when he had a wrong to 
master or disclose, or an end to accomplish. 

This he did with an unselfishness and absolute fixity of 
purpose," and he often wondered why others did not think and 
act as he did, the righteous necessities of the case seemingly 
being so apparent. The energy of his nature is often shown 
in his letters, some of which are full of resentful impatience. 
In writing to Rufus King in regard to repudiation of the 
national debt, he says: 

' This was written at about the time when he was obliged to give up his portfoHo 
as Secretary of the Treasury and take up the practice of law to support his rapidly 
increasing family. The reader is referred to his letter to Robert Troup (Lodge's 
"Hamilton," vol. X, p. 107), regarding his financial embarrassment, and the pro- 
visions that were to be made in the event of his death. 



38 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Alexander Hamilton to Rufus King^ 

Kingston, Feb. 21, 1795. 

My dear King: The unnecessary and capricious and 
abominable assassination of the national honor by the re- 
jection of the propositions respecting the unsubscribed debt 
in the House of Representatives haunts me every step I take, 
and afflicts me more than I can express. To see the char- 
acter of the government and the country so sported with — 
exposed to so indelible a blot — puts my heart to the torture. 
Am I, then, more of an American than those who drew their 
first breath on American ground ^ Or what is it that thus 
torments me at a circumstance so calmly viewed by almost 
everybody else .? Am I a fool — a romantic Quixote — or is 
there a constitutional defect in the American mind .? Were 
it not for yourself and a few others, I could adopt the reveries 
of De Paux as substantial truths, and could say with him 
that there is something in our climate which belittles every 
animal, human or brute. ^ 

I conjure you, my friend, make a vigorous stand for the 
honor of your country! Rouse all the energies of your mind, 
and measure swords in the Senate with the great slayer of 
public faith — the hackneyed veteran in the violation of 
public engagements. Prevent him if possible from triumph- 
ing a second time over the prostrate credit and injured 
interests of his country. Unmask his false and horrid 
hypotheses. Display the immense difference between an 
able statesman and the man of subtleties. Root out the 
distempered and noisome weed which is attempted to be 
planted in our political garden, to choke and wither in its 
infancy the fair plant of public credit. 

I disclose to you without reserve the state of my mind. It 
is discontented and gloomy in the extreme. I consider the 
cause of good government as having been put to an issue and 
the verdict rendered against it. 

' " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. V, p. 624. 

^ " Recherches philosophiques sur les Americains, ou memoirs intdressants pour 
Servir a I'Histoire de I'espece humaine, Par M. De P "A Berlin, 1768. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 39 

Introduce, I pray you, into the Senate, when the bill comes 
up, the clause which has been rejected, freed from embar- 
rassment by the bills of credit, bearing interest on the nominal 
value. Press its adoption in this, the most unexceptionable 
shape, and let the yeas and nays witness the result. 

Among the other reasons for this is my wish that the true 
friends of public credit may be distinguished from its enemies. 
The question is too great a one to undergo a thorough exam- 
ination before the community. It would pain me not to be 
able to distinguish. Adieu. God bless you! 

P. S. — Do me the favor to revise carefully the course of the 
bill respecting the unsubscribed debt and let me know the 
particulars. I wish to be able to judge more particularly of 
the under-plot I suspect. 

He never hesitated to assail the corrupt wherever they 
were to be found, to quickly ferret out abuses and to publicly 
expose them. For this reason he made numerous bitter 
enemies, who did not hesitate on repeated occasions to try to 
ruin him. In a way he was at times tactless, but it cannot 
be denied that he rarely erred in judgment.^ The passing 
of years undoubtedly has increased the number of his ad- 
mirers, and has diminished the force of such faults as he had 
during his lifetime. As to his influence with men, refer- 
erence may be made to the words of Oliver,^ who says: 

"No man whose object is personal glory will sacrifice his 
popularity to his opinions, and this was Hamilton's constant 
habit. At no great crisis of his life do we ever find him 

' "He had a good heart," said Bancroft, "but with it the pride and the natural 
arrogance of youth, combined with an almost overwhelming consciousness of his 
powers, so that he was ready to find fault with the administration of others, and to 
believe that things might have gone better if the direction had rested with himself. 
Bold in the avowal of his opinions, he was fearless to provoke and prompt to combat 
opposition. It was not his habit to repine over lost opportunities. His nature in- 
clined him rather to prevent what seemed to him coming evils by timely actions." 

^"Alexander Hamilton: An Essay on American Union," by Frederick Scott 
Oliver, p. 395. London: Constable & Company, 1906. 



40 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

engaged in considering whether a certain course of action 
will or will not conduce to his personal aggrandizement. 
He belonp-ed to the class of men with whom the accom- 
plishment of their objects is their most powerful motive. 
In the pursuit of renown he hardly rose above the average 
of public characters, but his desire for achievement was a 
passion." 

John Adams disliked him in his way no less than Jefferson 
or Burr, and eventually quarrelled with nearly all the Fed- 
eralists who were friendly to Hamilton. Some years before 
the powerful Livingstons in his own State had deserted 
the Federal cause, being ambitious of more power than was 
accorded them by Hamilton and Schuyler, and resented the 
election of Rufus King to the Senate, so that at the end but 
a few adherents remained, among them the doughty Timothy 
Pickering, who upon every occasion assailed not only Adams 
but Jefferson, and even after Hamilton's death worked val- 
iantly to defend his memory against the assaults of un- 
scrupulous political adversaries.^ 

During Hamilton's official career his vigorous methods 
kept him constantly in hot water, but he always emerged from 
each particular trouble, after the discomfiture of his ene- 
mies, quite ready for a new experience. While it is not pos- 
sible in the limited space here available to go into these 
various plots, two or three well-known examples may be 
referred to that throw light upon his character and evidence 
his preparedness, for he was not found napping, and the ac- 
counts of his office were in such good condition and so well 
systematized that he never had any trouble whatever in pro- 
ducing documents and briefs to vindicate his good name in 
all attacks. In 1783, after he had won the test case of Rut- 

'See "A Review of the Correspondence between the Honorable John Adams, etc., 
and the Late William Cunningham, 1803-1812," p. 109, et seq. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 41 

gers vs. Waddington which was the death of the unfair 
trespass act, he was most unpopular. 

After Jay's treaty with Great Britain he was violently 
assailed in print, and as was the custom in those days replied 
in a forceful series of letters signed Phocion, to those of one 
Ledyard who was known as Mentor. The repudiation 
policy which had been favored by Governor Clinton at one 
time, and which was obnoxious to Hamilton and conflicted 
with his ideas of justice, was attacked by him with a force 
and convincing directness which enraged Ledyard's ad- 
herents. The result was that the members of a club of 
amiable gentlemen, of which the latter was the head, 
determined that Hamilton was best dead and out of the 
way, and without the knowledge of their president gravely 
proposed that they should challenge him in turn to fight 
until some one was so successful as to remove him. They, 
however, were quickly taken to account by Ledyard, who 
angrily repudiated this absurd plan, and taunted his associ- 
ates because their act, if carried out, would be an admission 
that they were unable to refute Hamilton's charges. Upon 
two other occasions he was charged with financial irregulari- 
ties by discharged treasury clerks who found the ears of his 
political enemies (see p. 54); in fact, it would appear that 
during his entire tenure of office much of his time was given 
to meeting assaults upon his integrity. 

The admixture of Scotch and French blood which flowed 
in his veins was responsible for many of his striking traits 
and for many of his inconsistencies. If it be a fault, his great 
obstinacy in pursuing objects which were to be attained only 
at great risk and effort may be instanced and he sometimes 
persisted in disregard of the caution that ordinarily be- 
longs to the Scot. This often implied that he did not re- 
sort to the smaller methods where conciliation would have 



42 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

been much better than coercion. He was not always a diplo- 
mat, and did not possess the qualities of Burr or other 
more astute politicians ; in fact, he was above chicanery. 

Upon an early occasion his dislike for Governor Clinton, 
which was an outgrowth of the behavior of the latter at the 
Poughkeepsie Convention and his imperious methods, led 
to the alienation of members of his own party and subsequent 
defeat, and undoubtedly the election of Burr and Jefferson 
was largely brought about by his insistence, and failure to 
provide for lesser politicians who surrounded him. 

It is not extraordinary that a person whose mind was so 
constantly engaged to the point of profound absorption — for 
what he did was with the exercise of all his powers — should 
have his periods of absent-mindedness. We are told by 
Trevelyan that "the New York Company of Artillery was a 
model of discipline; its captain a mere boy with small, deli- 
cate, and slender frame who, with cocked hat pulled down 
on his eyes, and apparently lost in thought, marched behind 
his cannon, patting it every now and then as if it were a 
favorite horse or pet plaything. " Possibly this was the same 
kind of abstraction that was later shown and described in a 
letter written by General Schuyler to his daughter. 

Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Albany, October 6, 1789. 

My beloved Eliza: The following anecdote which I 
learned from Judge Benson^ may amuse. A gentleman 
travelling from New York to this place stopped at Kinder- 
hook and made several turns in the street passing to and 
fro before the store of a Mr. Rodgers. Apparently in deep 
contemplation, and his lips moving as rapidly as if he was in 
conversation with some person — he entered the store, ten- 

\Judge Egbert Benson. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 43 

dered a fifty-dollar bill to be exchanged. Rodgers refused 
to change it, the gentleman retired. A person in the store 
asked Rodgers if the bill was counterfeited. He replied in 
the negative. Why then did you not oblige the Gentleman by 
exchanging It, — because said Rodgers the poor Gentleman 
has lost his reason; but said the other, he appeared perfectly 
natural. That may be said Rodgers, he probably has his 
lucid intervals, but I have seen him walk before my door for 
half an hour, sometimes stopping, but always talking to him- 
self, and If I had changed the money and he had lost It I 
might have received blame. — Pray ask my Hamilton if he 
can't guess who the Gentleman was. My Love to him, in 
which you participate. Adieu my Beloved Child. 

Ever yours, Ph. Schuyler. 

It would appear, from Hamilton's written productions, 
that what he did was always so thorough and systematic, 
and he was so given to detail that the activity of his cere- 
bration must have been intense and his power of attention 
and application quite out of the ordinary. He undoubtedly 
possessed that form of nervous instability common to many 
active public men and characterized by varying moods, which 
was sometimes expressed by alternating depression on the 
one hand and gayety on the other. His perception was 
quick, and, despite the criticism of Mr. Lodge, he possessed 
a lively imagination, and was also deeply sensitive, as is 
shown in many little ways in his family Hfe. In his letters 
to his wife his emotional changes are most evident, and 
his varying playfulness and gayety are at times dominant. 

He wrote to her from Philadelphia, November, 1798: 

"I am always very happy my dear Eliza, when I can steal 
a few moments to sit down and write to you. You are my 
good genius; of that kind which the ancient philosophers 
called 2. familiar; and you know very well that I am glad to be 
in every way as familiar as possible with you. I have 



44 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

formed a sweet project, of which I will make you my con- 
fidant when I come to New York, and in which I rely that 
you will cooperate with me cheerfully. 

You may guess and guess and guess again 
Your guessing will be still in vain. 

But you will not be the less pleased when you come to under- 
stand and realize the scheme. 



Adieu best of wives and best of mothers 
Heaven ever bless you & me in you. 



A. H. 



And again: 

''After I had sent my letter to you to the Post Office I 
received yours of the instant. My beloved chides me for not 
having written on my first arrival here. I hope my letter by 
Col. Burr will have removed her uneasiness as it informed 
her that ill health and fatigue had been the cause of my 
omission. Indeed, my Betsey, you need never fear a want 
of anxious attention to you, for you are now dearer than ever 
to me. Your happiness is the first and sweetest object of 
my wishes and cares. How can it be otherwise .? You are 
all that is charming in my estimation and the more I see of 
your sex the more I become convinced of the judiciousness 
of my choice. 

I hear your Heart ready to ask me, why instead of writing 
this I do not come myself to tell it you — Your father's 
pressing desire must be my excuse for reasons I shall explain 
when we meet. But my departure will not be postponed 
beyond Friday, that is, the day after tomorrow. I go in your 
father's shay to Poughkeepsie and thence with Benson in his 
shay to New York. 

Monday at furthest I embrace my angel. 

That Heaven may heap its blessings upon her and the dear 

pledges of our affection is the constant prayer of her 

,,. , , r A. Hamilton. 

Wednesday aiternoon. 

To Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton, 

No. 57 Wall Street. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 45 

And still another letter, illustrating his tender solicitude 
is this : 

I was made very happy, my beloved Betsey, by the receipt 
of your letter, informing me that one of mine had at length got 
to hand and that your spirits were recovered. I had suffered 
not a little at the idea that I must have appeared to you 
negligent, nor am I able to imagine what can have become of 
my other letters. There is certainly some very foul and 
abominable practice, which it will not be my fault, if I do not 
detect. 

You said that you would not stay longer at Albany than 
twenty days which would bring it to the first of September. 
How delighted shall I be to receive you again to my bosom 
and to embrace with you my precious children! And yet, 
much as I long for this happy moment, my extreme anxiety 
for the restoration of your health will reconcile me to your 
staying longer where you are upon condition that you really 
receive benefit from it, and that your own mind is at rest. 
But I do not believe that I shall permit you to be so long 
absent from me another time. 

Be cheerful, be happy my beloved, and if possible return 
to your husband with that sweet bloom on your looks which 
can never fail to delight him. 

You must inform me beforehand when you set out. My 
intention is to meet you at Elizabeth Town. For I am un- 
willing to go through the bustle of another visit to New York 
so soon after my last. 

Think of me — dream of me — and love me my Betsey as I 
do you. 

Yrs. for ever, A. Hamilton. 

Aug. 21, 
Mrs. Hamilton. 

There was at all times not a little sadness and sober senti- 
ment mixed with concern as to her welfare. 

The lightheartedness, which at times he manifested until 
the very end of his life appeared all the more striking when 



46 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

the stress and strain under which he labored are taken into 
consideration, and we bear in mind that he was constantly 
engaged with important pubhc matters, some of the utmost 
seriousness. Most men would have been crushed by the 
malignant assaults of enemies who never ceased to lay traps 
and pitfalls, but these he easily avoided and laughed at be- 
cause of his absolute consciousness of rectitude and his easy 
conscience. 

There was something almost feminine in Hamilton's gen- 
tleness and concern for the comfort and happiness of other 
people. It is a matter of tradition that he endeared the 
soldiers of his own company to him by sharing their hard- 
ships, and providing them with necessities out of his own 
almost empty pocket. With his own children he was ever 
tender, entering into their sports, and forgetting all his 
serious cares for the moment. When New York and Phila- 
delphia were crowded with refugees he would hunt up the 
poorest, and direct his wife to send food and little delicacies 
for the women and children. It had been his habit to travel 
upon the Circuit, as was the custom in those days with the 
different judges. One of these was Chancellor Kent, who told 
a story illustrating Hamilton's consideration and thoughtful- 
ness.^ After a disagreeable, wintry ride of many miles they 
reached a comfortless inn. Kent had gone to bed early after 
a jolly evening which broke up prematurely as Kent was out 
of sorts. The night was cold, and the kindly nature of Hamil- 
ton was evidently disturbed by the indisposition of his friend. 
On his retiring he entered Judge Kent's room bearing an ex- 
tra blanket, which he insisted on tucking carefully about the 
recumbent figure saying, "Sleep warm, little Judge, and get 
well. What should we do if anything should happen to you ^ " 

* "Memoirs and Letters of James Kent, LL.D., etc.," by Wm. Kent, his great- 
grandson, p. ^^, N. Y., 1S98. 




JAMES KENT 
By permission of Little, Brown & Co. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 47 

He had a love of the fine arts and was something of a print 
collector and an amateur painter, for it appears he advised 
Mrs. Washington in regard to the paintings she bought; but 
his purse was evidently too small to gratify his own tastes in 
this direction. Not only does his expense book contain 
items showing the occasional modest purchase of a print/ 
but he left behind numerous wood and copper line en- 
gravings and etchings, that to-day would be very valuable. 
I distinctly remember a set of Mantegna's superb chiaro- 
oscuro of the "Triumph of Caesar," and a particularly fine 
Diirer which were in my father's possession; but the others 
have been scattered and can no longer be identified. 

He had a rich voice, and rendered the songs of the day, 
among which was "The Drum," which he last sung at a 
meeting of the Cincinnati, a few days before the duel with 
Burr, which ran : 

'Twas in the merry month of May 

When bees from flower to flower did hum, 

Soldiers through the town marched gay, 
The village flew to the sound of the drum. 

The clergyman sat in his study within 
Devising new ways to battle with sin: 
A knock was heard at the parsonage door, 
And the Sergeant's sword clanged on the floor. 

"We're going to war, and when we die 

We'll want a man of God near by. 

So bring your Bible and follow the drum. 

His daughter Angelica often accompanied him upon the piano 
or harp, and appears to have been given all the advantages 
of a musical education.^ 

* February 12, 1799, for prints $28. 

^August 28, 1795 — "This sum paid duties on forte piano, 5 guineas the sum 
paid. Mr. Seton fc5r cost and freight, £67.13. 

April 19, 1794 — Paid to M. Young for music No. 5 and 6, $2. 

January 30, 1798 — Subscription to Haydn Society, $5. 



48 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

It has been said that Hamilton was vain. Gouverneur 
Morris/ whose cynicism and disposition to patronize his con- 
temporaries was notorious, and who was said to be a friend 
of Hamilton's, and helped others to disentangle his affairs 
after his death seems to have been the only person to think 
him vain. At least no other available reference can be 
found where this criticism has been made, although in a 
vituperative age he undoubtedly came in for his share of 
abuse. Morris in his Diary thus soliloquizes after he had 
been asked by Mr. Hammond to deliver the funeral oration 
of his friend: "The first point of his biography is that he 
was a stranger of illegitimate birth; some plan must be con- 
trived to pass over this handsomely. He was indiscreet, 
vain, and opinionated," and so he continues, making mental 
reservations, and damning the dead man with faint praise; 
yet on the 14th of July he delivered a fulsome funeral oration, 
seeming to have gotten over the struggle with himself as to 
what was "safe" to say and what to omit. Disregarding the 
humiliating confession Hamilton had made in the Reynolds 
case, to save his honor when accused of peculation, Morris 
said, "I must not either dwell on his domestic life: he has 
long since foolishly published the avowal of conjugal infidel- 
ity." After his return from the funeral he adds: "I find that 
what I have said does not answer the general expectation." 

While it is true that Hamilton had very decided opinions 
of his own, and undoubtedly was self-reliant and enthu- 
siastically assertive, there is not a letter or published paper 
of his that indicates the existence of the least vanity or 
boastfulness — in fact, he never indulged in self-exploitation, 
but as a rule submerged himself. As an evidence of his 
modesty may be instanced the anonymous letter he wrote to 
Robert Morris, then a member of Congress in 1780, recom- 

' "Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris," vol. II, p. 456, et seq. New York: 
Chas. Scribner's Sons. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 49 

mending a financial scheme that undoubtedly led to his being 
made Secretary of the Treasury. If Morris wished to know 
more of the views of his unknown correspondent, he was to 
address "James Montague, Esq. — a lodger in the post office 
of Morristown," which would be a safe channel for all com- 
munications. It must be admitted that, although he pre- 
pared a large number of public papers and wrote many of 
Washington's letters in the field, and had a great deal to do 
with the preparation of the Farewell Address of the latter, he, 
upon no occasion, attempted to profit by what he did, or to 
glorify himself in any way, and it appears beyond question 
that he always assumed the position of one who toiled with 
others for the production of a common result, without think- 
ing of reward, either in the nature of approbation or mate- 
rial return. At a time when the lawlessness of the French 
Republic had extended to the United States, Hamilton 
was called an. aristocrat ; and even before this he had been 
sneered at by his opponents at the Poughkeepsie Convention, 
Melancthon Smith having "thanked his God that he was 
a plebeian." A great deal of the dislike of decency, and 
contempt for blood and brains existed, and found vent in so- 
cialistic and even anarchistic conflicts with good order. Pos- 
sibly some of this abuse was due to Hamilton's advocacy 
of our obligation to another foreign power, and his uphill 
work in making a large number of people live up to their 
treaty with Great Britain.^ To some minds this meant 
respect for an aristocratic country, and he was spoken of 
as a "British sympathizer"; upon one occasion an out- 

' There is something very ludicrous and indecent, as well as stupid and illogical 
in this statement of Jefferson, who ought to have known better. Upon one occasion 
he said ("Writings," vol. IV, p. 451): "Hamilton was indeed a singular character, 
of acute understanding, disinterested, honest, and honorable in all private trans- 
actions, amiable in society, and duly valuing virtue in private life — yet so bewitched 
and perverted by the British example as to be under thorough conviction that cor- 
ruption was essential to the government of a nation. " 



50 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

rageous story was spread by a lawyer named Purdy, with 
the evident connivance of Governor George CHnton, to the 
effect that Hamilton and Adams and the King of England 
had, in 1798, entered into negotiations to introduce a mon- 
archy into America, and that Canada was to be ceded to 
the United States, and that Prince Frederick, the Duke of 
York, and titular Bishop of Osnaburg was to be the ruler. 
After Hamilton's angry remonstrance Clinton, in a letter 
written in March, 1804, disclaimed any part in the ridicu- 
lous charge, and Hamilton replied as follows :^ 

Alexander Hamilton to George Clinton. 

Albany, March 9, 1804. 

Sir: I had the honor of receiving yesterday your Excel- 
lency's letter of the 6th inst. It is agreeable to me to find in 
it a confirmation of the inference that you have given no 
countenance to the supposition of my agency or co-operation 
in the project to which the story of Judge Purdy relates; and 
it only remains for me to regret that it is not in your power 
to furnish the additional clue, of which I was desirous, to aid 
me in tracing the fabrication to its source. 

I shall not only rely on the assurance which you give me as 
to the future communication of the copy of the letter in 
question, should it hereafter come to your hands, but I will 
take the liberty to add a request, that you will be pleased to 
make known to me any other circumstances, if any should 
reach you, which may serve to throw light upon the affair. I 
feel an anxiety that it should be thoroughly sifted, not merely 
on my own account, but from a conviction that the pretended 
existence of such a project, long travelling about in whispers, 
has had no inconsiderable influence in exciting false alarms, 
and unjust suspicions to the prejudice of a number of in- 
dividuals, every way worthy of public confidence, who have 
always faithfully supported the existing institutions of the 
country, and who would disdain to be concerned in an in- 

1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 565. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 51 

trigue with any foreign power, or its agents, either for in- 
troducing monarchy, or for promoting or upholding any 
other scheme of government within the United States. 

Even his friend, Gouverneur Morris, ignoring the ex- 
istence of The Federalist and everything else that Hamilton 
had written and done in regard to the construction of the 
Constitution, could not forbear condemning him, and quite 
unjustly.^ "Speaking of General Hamilton," he said, "he 
had little share in forming the Constitution. He disliked 
it, believing a Republican Government to be radically de- 
fective, the British Constitution which I consider as an 
Aristocracy in fact, though a Monarchy in name. General 
Hamilton hated Republican Government because he con- 
founded it with Democratic government, and he detested the 
latter because he believed it must end in despotism and be, 
in the meantime, destructive of public morals." 

Morris's criticism, which was and is in accord with the 
views of those who prefer to misunderstand, or who are un- 
able to appreciate Hamilton's consistent and persistent efforts 
to build up a republic in the true sense of the word, finds ref- 
utation in this letter to Timothy Pickering, in which he said : 

This plan was in my conception conformable with the strict 
theory of a government purely republican; the essential 
criteria of which are, that the principal organs of the execu- 
tive and legislative departments be elected by the people, and 
hold their offices by a responsible and temporary or defeasible 
tenure. 

And again, 

I may truly then say, that I never proposed either a pres- 
ident, or senator, for life; and that I neither recommended 
or meditated the annihilation of the state governments. . . . 

' Op. cit., vol. II, p. 523. 



52 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

These were the genuine sentiments of my heart and upon 
them I acted/ 

If Hamilton was called an aristocrat it was because he was 
intolerant of presumptuous ignorance, and possessed an in- 
tense contempt for anything that was low or coarse or 
harmful to the country as a whole. It was his warfare upon 
these things, and his blunt defiance of mob rule that earned 
for him this reputation. 

If aristocracy be "the rule of the best in the land" his 
efforts were directed to that end, and the progress of history 
has certainly made us aware of the contrast between the staid 
and respectable forms of government, and the emotional and 
disreputable forms, and the triumph in the end of the sta- 
ble kind of administration. It is true that for a long time 
Jefferson and Madison and their party flourished by the 
utilization of Hamilton's principles for their guidance long 
after his death, even though they pretended to despise them. 

Hamilton certainly had respect for good blood and its be- 
longings, and his friends were the well-bred and educated 
men of the world, many of whom came from France; yet in 
the true mv'^aning of the word, he was intensely democratic, if 
we are to consider the simplicity of his daily life and his re- 
gard for the lowly and oppressed, and the readiness he 
always manifested to make friends with good men of all 
conditions and parties ahvays furthering the protection of 
individual rights. 

That Hamilton was ambitious is demonstrated by every- 
thing he did, yet it was not the ambition of selfish men nor the 
kind which led him to sacrifice others for his own advance- 
ment. A parallel, for instance, may be drawn between 
Napoleon, who was a contemporary, and himself, to the 
detriment of the former. 

' Letter to Timothy Pickering, New York, September i6, 1803. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 53 

Estabrook/ an eloquent New York lawyer, in a rare ap- 
preciation says: 

"To sum up Hamilton's temperament, therefore, I would 
say that he was nobly ambitious, but wisely cautious, some- 
times most tentative when he was really most assured." 
When Washington wrote to Adams in his behalf he said : *' By 
some he is considered as an ambitious man, and therefore a 
dangerous one; that he is ambitious I shall readily grant, but 
it is of the laudable kind which prompts a man to excel in 
whatever he takes in hand. He is enterprising — quick in 
his perceptions — and his judgment intuitively great." The 
first few words have especial significance, when we consider 
that Hamilton's enemies had insinuated to Adams that the 
ambitious designs of the former would minimize his influence. 

At an early age he longed to distinguish himself in the 
world, and his familiar letter to Edward Stevens, the friend 
of his childhood, may, in part, be reproduced to illustrate his 
early aspirations. This was written when he was a boy about 
twelve. 

Alexander Hamilton to Edward Stevens. 

St. Croix, Nov. ii, 1769.* 

... As to what you say respecting your soon having the 
happiness of seeing us all, I wish for an accompHshment of 
your hopes, provided they are concomitant with your wel- 
fare, otherwise not: though I doubt whether I shall be pres- 
ent or not, for to confess my weakness, Ned, my ambition 
is prevalent, so that I contemn the grovelling condition of a 
clerk or the like, to which my fortune condemns me, and 
would willingly risk my life, though not my character, to exalt 
my station. I am confident, Ned, that my youth excludes 
me from any hopes of immediate preferment, nor do I desire 

* " The Lawyer Hamilton," a paper read by Henry D. Estabrook before the 
American Bar Association, Aug. 22, 1901. 
2 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol I, p. i. 



54 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

it; but I mean to prepare the way for futurity. I'm no 
philosopher, you see, and may be justly said to build castles 
in the air; my folly makes me ashamed, and beg you'll con- 
ceal it: Yet, Neddy, we have seen such schemes successful 
when the projector is constant. I shall conclude by saying 
I wish there was a war. 

Whatever his ambition may have been, in later years there 
does not appear to have been any indication that he expected 
political preferment or that he was engaged in any attempt to 
advance himself, and although he had been seriously con- 
sidered as a successor to Washington, it is doubtful if he 
would have accepted the great office.^ On the other hand, 
it seems to have been his constant and only desire to labor 
for the welfare of his country so long as he could do any good, 
and to retire as soon as possible to the quiet pursuit of a pas- 
toral life. 

Like all other public men, he had been approached by 
friends who did not think it amiss that he should give them 
information of impending public transactions that might be 
utilized for speculation. He undoubtedly had his tempta- 
tions to help his friends, but he ever resolutely refused to dis- 
close the operations of his own department. Even so cir- 
cumspect a man as Henry Lee wrote a letter to him, which 
probably was sent without any dishonorable intentions what- 
ever, but was ill advised. 

"My dear Sir;" wrote Lee in 1789,^ "Your undertaking is 
truly arduous, but I trust as you progress in the work, diffi- 
culties will vanish. From your situation you must be able to 
form with some certainty an opinion concerning the domestic 
debt; will it speedily rise .? Will the interest accruing com- 

* He was offered the nomination for Governor of the State of New York, and an 
appointment as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, but 
declined both ofSces. (See "History of the Republic," by J. C. Hamilton.) 

^ "Hamilton's Reminiscences," p. 17. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 55 

mand specie, or anything nearly as valuable — what will 
become of the indents already issued ? These queries are 
asked for my private information. Perhaps they may be 
improper. I do not think them so, or I would not propound 
them. Of this you will decide, and act accordingly — 
nothing can induce me to be instrumental in submitting my 
friends to an impropriety. . . . 

"The anti-federal gentlemen in our own assembly do not 
relish the amendments proposed by Congress to the consti- 
tution. Yours always and affectionately, 

"Henry Lee. 

"To Col. Alexander Hamilton." 

Hamilton replied:^ 

My dear Friend: I received your letter of the i6th of 
November. I am sure you are sincere when you say that you 
would not subject me to an impropriety, nor do I know 
there would be any in answering your queries; but you re- 
member the saying with regard to Caesar's wife. I think the 
spirit of it applicable to every man concerned in the ad- 
ministration of the finances of the country. With respect to 
the conduct of such men, suspicion is ever eagle-eyed, and the 
most innocent things may be misinterpreted. Be assured 
of the affection and friendship of yours. 

A great deal of nonsense has been written about Hamil- 
ton's gallantry, and his name has been quite unjustifiably 
connected with that of Madame Jumel, the widow of a French 
wine-merchant, and before this the widow of a British officer 
with whom she eloped. Although her home at the upper part 
of Manhattan Island was a rendezvous for the gay young 
men of the day, it does not appear that either Washington 
or Hamilton, as has been alleged, knew her particularly 
well. Certainly it is absurd to say that Hamilton had an 
amour with her, as has been suggested, and this gossip may, 

* "Hamilton's Reminiscences," p. i8. 



56 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

with other contemporary scandal, be disregarded. She sub- 
sequently married Aaron Burr when he was an elderly man, 
but the union did not last, for he misappropriated her funds 
and otherwise behaved badly. 

It is quite to be supposed that Hamilton with his attractive 
equipment was like many others of his time so far as his 
moral laches was concerned, but his tender devotion to, and 
kindly care of his wife were always evident in his letters that 
have been preserved. 

With Angelica Church he kept up a sprightly corre- 
spondence, which bristles with badinage, and to many sug- 
gests the existence of a more tender feeling than would ap- 
pear to be conventional, but an inspection of his whole life 
and hers disproves this. 

Some of her letters, of which the following is an example, 
are written in the flowery style of the day: 

Angelica Church to Alexander Haynilton. 

London, Oct. 2, 1787. 

You have every right, my dear brother, to believe that I 
was very inattentive not to have answered your letter, but I 
could not relinquish the hopes that you would be tempted to 
ask the reason of my silence, which would be a certain means 
of obtaining the second letter when perhaps had I answered 
the first, I should have lost all the fine things contained in the 
latter. I indeed my dear Sir, if my path was strewed with as 
many roses as you have filled your letter with compliments, I 
should not now lament my absence from America^ but even 
Hope is weary of doing anything for so assiduous a votary 
as myself. I have so often prayed at her shrine that I am 
now no longer heard. Church's head is full of Politics, he is 
so desirous of making one in the British House of Commons, 
and where I should be happy to see him if he possessed your 
eloquence. All the graces you have been pleased to adorn 
me with, fade before the generous and benevolent action of 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 57 

my sister in taking the orphan AntiP under her protection. 
I do not write by this packet to either of my sisters, nor to 
my father. It is too melancholy an employment today, as 
Church is not here to be my consolation; he is gone to New 
Market. You will please to say to them for me everything 
you think that the most tender and affectionate attachment 
can dictate. Adieu, my dear brother! be persuaded that 
these sentiments are not weakened when applied to you and 
that I am very sincerely your friend, . P 

After the appearance of his report upon the finances which 
was presented to Congress, January 7, 1790, she wrote: 

Many thanks to my dear Brother for having written to his 
friend at a moment when he had the affairs of America on his 
mind; I am impatient to hear in what manner your Budget 
has been received and extremely anxious for your success. 

I sometimes think you have now forgot me and that having 
seen me is like a dream which you can scarcely believe. — 
adieu I will not write this idea of being lost in the tumult of 
business and ambition does not enliven my spirits — adieu 
soyez heureux au dessus de tout le monde. 

At a time when he thought it possible that he might be 
sent to Europe to facilitate the acceptance of Jay's treaty, she 
wrote on August 15, 1793: 

Are you too happy to think of us .? Ah petit Fripon you do 
not believe it: — no I am not too happy, can I be so on this 
side of the Atlantic .? ask your heart, and read my answer 
there. 

My silence is caused by dispair; for do not years, days and 
moments pass and still find me separated from those I love! 
yet were I in America, would ambition give an hour to Betsey 
and to me. Can a mind engaged by Glory taste of peace and 
ease 1 

' The orphan daughter of one of Montgomery's aides adopted by Mrs. Hamilton. 



58 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

You and Betsey in England. I have no ideas for such 
happiness, but when will you come and receive the tears of 
joy and affection ? 

Your devoted Angelica. 

August i^th, 1793. 

When Hamilton became Secretary of the Treasury his 
sister-in-law wrote about him: "All the members of Con- 
gress have made the first visit to the General, it is very rare 
to find a person in political or private life so respected and 
beloved — shall I say by both sexes ? 

"We dine tomorrow with Mrs. Bingham^ and Viscomte 
Importance.^ Madame de Tilley^ is quite a la francaise, 
rouge and short petticoats — poor young creature she has 
been the victim to a negligent education. I have seen 
enough of Philadelphia." 

The real and only authenticated mistake, which would 
have been the ruin of a weaker man, was the affair with the 
notorious Mrs. Reynolds, which was brought to light by the 
mean traps laid for him, principally by Monroe. 

For a long time, as has been said, persistent attempts had 
been made when Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury to 
find him guilty of peculation and misuse of the government 
funds, but each time Hamilton vindicated himself and put 
the combination to rout. Finally, Monroe, Muhlenberg, and 
Venables waited upon him with supposed damning proof that 
Hamilton had supplied one Reynolds and a confederate, 
Clingman, then in jail, with money to speculate in the public 
funds upon information supplied by Hamilton, who was 
supposed to make use of the knowledge of national affairs he 

* Wife of William Bingham the banker. Bingham was a delegate to the old Con- 
gress in 1787-88, and later U. S. senator (1795-1801). 

^ Vicomte de Noailles. 

3 Comtesse de Tilly, formerly Elizabeth Berkeley, widow of Lord Craven. She 
was married to the Comte de Tilly in 1792. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 59 

possessed. The precious pair were in prison, but one of 
them subsequently escaped. These confident confederates, 
armed with ammunition suppHed by the rascals who had 
already been turned out of their positions and arrested at 
the instance of the Secretary of the Treasury, were finally 
delighted with the idea that the daring Federalist might be 
shorn of his power and disgraced; but when he quietly made 
his innocence absolutely clear, two of them, Muhlenberg and 
Venables, were convinced and manfully made amends in 
apology, but Monroe for a long time held out and preferred to 
take his original view that Hamilton was guilty. This led to 
a virulent correspondence and demands from Hamilton that 
Monroe should retract, which, after much delay, he reluc- 
tantly did. Even then the question of a duel was raised. 
The copy of a challenge written by Monroe, but never sent, 
has been preserved. 

It was necessary at this time for Hamilton to make, perhaps, 
the greatest sacrifice that can be imagined to save his honor, 
and this he did. He had given money to Reynolds, but it 
was in payment of blackmail imposed by that person and his 
wife, the former having been a man complaisant for a long 
period. Oliver says:* 

"Hamilton elected to tell the whole story; to publish every 
document in his possession, and to expound the situation, 
the motives of the parties, and the dangers to the community 
and to public life arising out of such methods, in that vehe- 
ment and copious manner which he was famed for pursuing 
at the bar. . . . 

"He exhausted the case. When he had made an end 
there was nothing more to be said. The statement is without 
a reservation, and yet it is never familiar. He shirks nothing, 
nor seeks for any shelter against the opinion of the world. 
His sole aim is to set his honesty in discharge of his public 

' Op. cit., p. 309. 



6o ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

duty beyond attack. A single departure from the strictest 
rule of simplicity, a single disingenuous excuse or sentimental 
quaver, would have made the statement odious. Tempta- 
tions to an eternal loss of dignity lay on every side, but he had 
only one concern; to clear his honour. No one has yet been 
bold enough to challenge the completeness of his vindication." 

The w^onder is, how a man of Hamilton's refinement and 
critical sense should ever have been led into an amour with a 
coarse and illiterate woman, apparently of a very low class, and 
this is quite inconceivable to most people. The letters and 
notes of Mrs. Reynolds to him are monuments of vulgarity 
and bad spelling, and it is to be wondered what he found to 
admire in such a person that would lead him to run the risk 
he did.^ There certainly could not have been anything but 
rather indifferent physical attractions. Such an entanglement 
can only be understood by those who are familiar with the 
sporadic lapses upon the part of other great men who have 
been tempted to give way to some such impulse, and for a 
time degrade themselves, often to their lasting ruin. To the 
psychiatrist the matter is simple, for it is a well-known fact 
that those possessing the highest order of intelligence; pro- 
fessional men, great statesmen, and others; even those teach- 
ing morals, manifest at times what can be only looked upon 
as a species of irresponsibility that accompanies the highest 
genius, and impulsively plunge into the underworld in obe- 
dience to some strange prompting of their lower nature. 

' " Observations upon Certain Documents Contained in Nos. V & VI of the 
History of the United States from the Year 1796, in which the Charge of Specula- 
tion Against Alexander Hamilton, Late Secretary of the Treasury, is fully refuted. 
Written by Himself." Philadelphia: Printed for John Fenno, by John Bioren, 
1797.— See Appendix K. 



CHAPTER III 

HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 

Hamilton's literary activity suffered no interruption from 
the time he wrote his well-known account of the hurricane 
in his West Indian home until his death. Not only was it 
his keen pleasure to write, but his pen was always at the 
service of others who appealed to him, the result being the 
production of an enormous amount of general correspondence, 
political and other essays, and even occasional verse. Lau- 
rens,^ in December, 1776, regarding General Lee's "Infa- 
mous Publication," and the fitness of Hamilton's answer, 
playfully wrote to the latter: "The ancient Secretary is the 
Recueil of modern history and anecdotes, and will give them 
to us with candour, elegance and perspicacity. The pen of 
Junius is in your hand and I think you will, without diffi- 
culty, expose in his defence letters and last productions, such 
a tissue of falsehood and inconsistency as will satisfy the 
world, and put him forever to silence." The part he played 
throughout the Revolution, as the secretary and aide-de-camp 
of Washington, was one requiring a great amount of literary 
work, his duties being ever of an onerous kind, and his writ- 
ings of the most diversified nature. The collection of mili- 
tary papers that remain and are now at the Congressional 
Library show that most of Washington's orders in the field 
were largely Hamilton's work, and it is to be presumed from 
their nature that he had most to do with their preparation. 

' " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 68. 
6i 



62 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

All of them are singularly free from correction, and are leg- 
ibly and carefully written. This power of prolific creation 
seems to have increased until his death, and while his corre- 
spondence was not as voluminous as that of Jefferson, who is 
said to have written twenty-five thousand letters, Hamilton's 
facility for expressing himself on paper led him to write upon 
every occasion, and the newspapers of the day are a veritable 
repository of articles upon every conceivable political sub- 
ject. Worthington C. Ford, in a personal letter, says in this 
connection: "Think of the man who writes himself hundreds 
of letters required of him when organizing the provisional 
army in 1798! It makes the modern General of Industry 
seem insignificant with his small following of typewriters and 
a highly organized system of red tape." In the twelve 
volumes that constitute Lodge's works, most of Hamilton's 
important reports, speeches, pamphlets, and letters are re- 
produced, and the list is by no means complete. His com- 
munications upon Foreign Relations were thirty-three in 
number, on Finance and the National Bank thirty-nine, on 
Commercial Relations twenty-seven, and on Manufacturing 
and the Whiskey Rebellion seventeen each. His published 
military letters number seventy-six, his other papers on 
Coinage, the Mint, Taxation, and the Fisheries seven; and 
there are no less than thirty-two speeches presented in this 
work alone. Other miscellaneous papers, relating to the 
Jefferson and the Adams controversy and the Reynolds 
affair, numbered seventeen. Of the eighty-five articles in 
The Federalist it is believed that he wrote sixty-three un- 
aided, and three in collaboration with Madison.^ 

In this collection we, therefore, find over three hundred 
and twenty-eight important productions brought forth in a 

' This is the enumeration in a copy of The Federalist belonging to his nephew 
Philip Church, and presented to him by Hamilton himself. 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 63 

period of less than thirty years. If we are to include the 
various other papers and letters contained in Hamilton's 
works, edited by his son, or reproduced elsewhere, the number 
would be very great/ From time to time, as in the hfe and 
correspondence of McHenry, valuable and hitherto unpub- 
lished letters have been unearthed in the last few years. The 
writer's collection contains many papers relating to both 
public and legal matters, and that at Washington is still, to 
some degree, untouched by the historian. 

As was the custom of the eighteenth century, Hamilton 
wrote under various pseudonyms, and these include the well- 
known James Montague, Phocton, Conttnentalist, Peri- 
cles, An American Citizen, A Plain Honest Man, Pacificus, 
Tiilly, No Jacobin, A men c anus, Horatius, Civis, Titus 
Manlius, Observer, Anti-Defamer Cato and Publius, the last 
having been made use of in the production of The Federalist. 
With Rufus King he adopted Camillus in writing in defence 
of Jay's treaty with Great Britain and many other matters. 
King is said to have written eight of this series. The first im- 
portant communication of Hamilton was the well-known let- 
ter to Robert Morris in regard to the establishment of a na- 
tional bank, which his modesty forbade him signing. This 
was in 1780,^ at the time he was attached to Washington's 
staff, and but twenty-three years of age, and probably 
marked the first exhibition of his pent-up desires to identify 
himself with national affairs. The history of the subsequent 
action of Morris, who availed himself of Hamilton's sugges- 
tions, is too well known to need more than passing reference, 
but he promptly suggested the latter for the Treasury. 
Previous to this, as early as 1774, he wrote his remarkable 

* Lodge has omitted nearly three hundred letters, papers, and various reports and 
opinions published in the J. C. Hamilton "Works." 

' Sumner says there was some doubt as to this date — the year possibly being 1779. 



64 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

pamphlet entitled "The Full Vindication," which was an 
answer to the "Westchester Farmer." The writer of the 
latter, who was believed to be Bishop Samuel Seabury, had 
indulged in offensive criticism of the Continental Congress. 
Upon the title-page of Hamilton's paper, which was printed 
by James Rivington, the printer and bookseller, who in later 
years became one of his clients, appears the motto, "Veritas 
magna est et prevalebit," and the sub-title "Sophistry is 
Exposed, his Cavils confuted, his Artifice detected, and his 
Wit is ridiculed," is appended. A reply to Hamilton ap- 
peared later, and the second answer prepared by him and 
entitled, "The Farmer Refuted," was still more drastic 
and convincing.^ As Lodge says: "These two productions 
in patriotic interest excited much attention were widely 
read, and were attributed by Dr. Myles Cooper, the Presi- 
dent of King's College, to Jay. Few suspected that they 
would prove to be the work of a college boy, and all were 
amazed when the true author was known. These two pam- 
phlets are the first important efforts of Hamilton's pen. 
They are, however, little short of wonderful when we re- 
member they are the work of a boy not yet eighteen years 
old."^ He was ever a contributor to the newspapers and 
periodicals, among them the United States Gazette, edited by 
his friend John Fenno, who had come from Boston. Even 
before this he had written an article for Holt's Gazette in 
defence of the destruction of tea in 1774. According to 
Hudson, the United States Gazette was started in New York, 
its Original name being The Gazette of the United States, and 
it was first issued in New York, which was then the seat of 
the National Government, but afterward was transferred to 
Philadelphia when it became the capital, in 1790. It was 
always the organ of the Federalists and never lost an occa- 

' Appendix C. " Lodge, vol I, p. 3. 



V 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 65 

sion to attack the Jacobins, as the Democratic sympathizers 
with the French Revolutionists were called. For this reason 
it was opposed to the Aurora and the Daily Advertiser, edited 
by William Duane and Philip Freneau, which were the 
organs of Jefferson and his friends. Fenno died of yellow 
fever in 1798, and his son George Ward Fenno succeeded him, 
conducting the paper until it ceased to exist in 1820.^ These 
papers conveyed to the Jays, Kings, Churches, and other 
Americans abroad the only information regarding the prog- 
ress of events in their native country. Not only was such 
news delayed many months, on account of the slow prog- 
ress of packets, but all manner of interruptions, which are 
strangely in contrast to the newsgathering in the twentieth 
century, are evident in the New York newspapers of the day. 
The presses were even often stopped to publish fresh material 
that had come by stage-coach two days later than that printed 
by their contemporaries. 

Angelica Church wrote to her sister from London, June 
the 4th, 1793: 

My dear Eliza: I am returned from our ambassadors 
very much edifyed by reading Fenno's paper, for it speaks 
of my Brother, as he deserves, and as I and all who dare to 
know him think. 

We are going to our country house. Mrs. Pinckney^ 
passes the week with me, and whilst we admire the taste and 
elegance of Great Britain, we shall still more regret the 
society, the pleasures, and friendships of America. Ah my 
dear Sister after all, nothing repays us for a separation from 
those we have been long attached to. Mr. and Mrs. Bache^ 
are to be at Mr. Morris's Villa, which is not far from Down 
Place. I shall visite her to see it; but request of her to tell 

'His daughter Mary married Gulian C. Ver Planck in 1811. See Frederick 
Hudson's "Journalism in the United States from 1690-1872," pp. 181-182. 
^ Wife of Thomas Pinckney, Minister to Great Britain, 1792-94. 
* This Mr. Bache was the son-in-law of Benjamin Franklin. 



66 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

you what she has seen, but as she does not like chit chat it 
will be difficult to prevail on her. They are soon to return to 
America. Why am I not to be of the party! It is an age 
since we arrived, and if I had not seen Mr. Fenno*s paper 
my impatience would have been extreme. 
Adieu my dear Betsy. 

And again on June 5, 1793. 

My dear: The packet is arrived, and you are well, this is 
however not all I wish to know; but it is a great pleasure 
yet relief to get a letter from you; my love to Alexander the 
good, and the amiable. Shall I tell you a secret .? I have 
more and better hopes within these days than ever of crossing 
the Atlantic. 

Philip Freneau was an exceedingly cultivated man, and an 
early American poet of some ability, and the Daily Adver- 
tiser, which he edited, had a long and apparently prosperous 
career. Freneau was born in 1752, and was graduated from 
Princeton in 177 1. It is said that he lost his life in 1832 from 
exposure, having gone astray in a bog-meadow on returning 
home from Freehold, New Jersey. His attacks upon the 
Federalists were mild in comparison with those that he sub- 
sequently published in the National Gazette. This journal 
was established October 31, 1791, and was bitter in its abuse 
of and opposition to Hamilton and the others. Freneau was 
clever and witty, and did so much to please Jefferson that the 
latter made him a salaried interpreter in the State Depart- 
ment, which led to much scandal at the time. The new sheet 
contained numerous scurrilous articles, some of them attack- 
ing Hamilton who was then Secretary of the Treasury, and 
in Fenno's paper, over the signature of ''The American," 
the latter charged Jefferson with the part he had played in 
providing Freneau with the sinews of war, and extending to 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 67 

him his patronage/ Jefferson's explanation was extremely 
lame. He acknowledged that "he had heard with pleas- 
ure of the publication which promised to administer an 
antidote to the aristocratical and monarchical doses lately- 
given by the unknown writer of the 'Discourses on Davila' 
and which also would probably reproduce, at his request, 
certain extracts from the Leyden Gazette, concerning French 
politics. Subscriptions he admitted to have solicited from a 
charitable desire to aid his clerk, whom he thought to be a 
man of good parts. He protested in the presence of heaven 
that he had made no effort to control the conduct or senti- 
ments of the paper." ^ 

In Philadelphia, journalistic controversies were most dis- 
orderly, especially when a certain amount of public sym- 
pathy was extended to the representatives of the French Re- 
public. It is quite conceivable how Hamilton must have 
raged internally against the blackguardly abuse of the Au- 
rora and the daily attacks of Bache; but although public 
opinion of the right kind was finally aroused, Hamilton ap- 
pears to have, meanwhile, kept silent. So inexcusable were 
the attacks of the anti-Federalistic journals that the editors 
were constantly in trouble with the authorities. Even when 
Washington retired to Mount Vernon the abuse was so dis- 
graceful that a company of veterans known as the Spring 
Garden Butchers, who had fought directly under the latter in 
the war, went to the office of the Aurora and looted and de- 



• Jefferson's bitterness against this editor found vent in a letter to a friend in Paris, 
written probably in 1793: "The Tory paper, Fenno's, rarely admits anything 
which defends the present form of government in opposition to his desire of sup- 
porting it, to make money for a king, lords, or commons. There are high names 
here in favor of this doctrine. Adams, Jay, Hamilton, and Knox and many of the 
Cincinnati. The second says nothing, the third is open. Both are dangerous. 
They pant after union with England as the power which is to support their projects, 
and are most determined anti-Gallicians." 

^"Life of Alexander Hamilton," J. T. Morse, vol. II, p. 5. 



68 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

molished the premises. On the 9th of May, 1798, the in- 
tolerance of the sane pubHc made itself especially manifest 
in a demonstration of violence. This day had been appointed 
as one of fasting and prayer, and the attitude of those who 
openly fraternized with the French representatives, and who 
were obsessed with the unhealthy doctrines of the republic, 
could no longer be tolerated. Declarations were made 
against the "Jacobins, philosophers, freemasons, and the 
illuminati," and a political riot marked the limit of patriot 
endurance. The office of the Aurora was again attacked, 
where Bache had intrenched himself with a number of friends, 
who were armed to the teeth. After doing what damage they 
could, the rioters — many among them being Federalists — 
broke the windows and plastered the statue of Franklin, 
who was Bache's uncle, with mud. After Bache's death, 
from yellow fever, the paper was edited by William Duane, a 
still more vehement partisan of the Jacobins. In Novem- 
ber, 1799, Hamilton was the plaintiff in a libel case against 
a New York newspaper called the Argus. In its issue of 
October 6 appears the following excerpt from the Phila- 
delphia publication: 

An effort has been recently made to suppress the Aurora^ 
and Alexander Hamilton was at the bottom of it. Mrs. 
Bache was offered ^6,000 down in presence of several persons 
in part payment, the valuation to be left to two impartial 
persons, and the remainder paid immediately on giving up 
the paper, but she pointedly refused it, and declared she 
would never dishonour her husband's memory, nor her 
children's future fame by such baseness; when she parted 
with her paper it should be to Republicans only.' 

On November 21 David Frothingham, the foreman of the 
office, was indicted on complaint of General Hamilton. The 
case was brought to trial before Judge Harrison, the recorder, 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 69 

and the mayor of the city of New York. Cadwallader 
Colden and Alexander Hamilton were sworn. The former, 
who was assistant attorney, testified that Frothingham had 
been called upon and said he supposed he was liable, but 
saw no criminality as the letter was copied from another 
paper. Hamilton then testified that he was innocent 
of the conduct imputed to him. This testimony was ob- 
jected to by Brockholst Livingston, the defendant's coun- 
sel, and the objection was sustained. Hamilton was then 
asked to explain certain innuendoes in the indictment respect- 
ing speculations, etc. This having been done he was in- 
terrogated as to what was generally understood by secret 
service money. He replied it meant money appropriated 
by a government generally for corrupt purposes, and in sup- 
port of the government which gave it. On being asked if 
he considered the Aurora as hostile to the United States, 
he replied in the aflirmative. In defence Livingston tried 
to prove that Frothingham was not responsible, and that the 
editor should have been arrested instead. Ogden Hofirnan, 
who appeared for Hamilton, replied that even every journey- 
man was liable to prosecution, and Frothingham, as fore- 
man, was especially so. The jury rendered a verdict of guilty 
with a recommendation to mercy, and the defendant was fined 
one hundred dollars, and given four months in Bridewell.* 

Later we find Hamilton constantly writing for the many 
journals that appeared from time to time in the interest of 
the Federalist cause. There is no doubt that he worked in 
conjunction with William Cobbett, whose caustic pen made 
every one uncomfortable. Cobbett was an English subject 
who, though he lived among those who had just gained their 
independence, was ever loyal to the English king. He had 

' A full account of this case, of which the above is an abstract, is given in Hud- 
son's "Journalism in the United States from 1690-1872," p. 216. 



70 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

been a private soldier in New Brunswick, and when he came 
to Philadelphia, supported himself by giving English lessons 
to the French emigres who flocked from Santo Domingo, and 
by these he earned from four to five hundred pounds per 
annum. He first took a shop in Philadelphia, publishing a 
number of clever but stinging pamphlets, one being an attack 
upon Dr. Priestley, who was driven out of England in 
June, 1794/ and another entitled *'A Bone to Gnaw for the 
Democrats." Pie also wrote "A Little Plain English and a 
New Year's Gift to the Democrats." 

Urged by Hamilton he, from 1794 to 1801, published a 
paper called the Weekly Political Register, which remained 
in existence from 1794 to 1800, when he returned to England 
by way of New York, and died there in 1835. Under the 
pseudonym of Peter Porcupine, he bitterly attacked the 
French and their American sympathizers, and warmly de- 
fended Washington, Hamilton, and others of the Federal 
party. His stay in Philadelphia was not entirely free from 
turmoil and embarrassment, for upon several occasions he 
narrowly escaped personal violence from those he had at- 
tacked. During the yellow fever outbreak he severely criti- 
cized Dr. Benjamin Rush, who was a popular idol, sneering 
at his treatment of the plague by large doses of mercury 
and bleeding. He went further, and called Rush a San- 
grado, for which olfence suit was brought for libel, and 
after two years judgment was recorded against Cobbett for 
five thousand dollars. This was too much for the journal, 
which succumbed, and its editor transferred his activities to 
a new field. 

William Duane vied with Callender and Freneau in bit- 
terness of invective, which was directed against the admin- 
istrations of Washington and Adams, Hamilton always com- 

' See chap, x, pp. 346 and 347. 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 71 

ing in for his share. Duane's libels were so virulent that 
he was prosecuted under the Sedition Act, but the suit was 
allowed to drop/ 

In November, 1801, several prominent Federalists, among 
them Hamilton, Troup, Richard Varick, Archibald Gracie, 
Samuel Boyd, and William Woolsey, established the New 
York Evening Post, which has remainea in existence ever 
since. They were fortunate enough to command the ser- 
vices of William Coleman, a Bostonian and a clever and suc- 
cessful lawyer, who, for a short time, was a partner of Aaron 
Burr. So close was Hamilton's connection with the Post 
that pretty much everything in it relating to politics was as- 
cribed to him, for it mercilessly attacked the Jeffersonians. 
Its columns were filled, not only with signed letters, but un- 
signed editorials and communications covering every polit- 
ical situation, and Coleman and Hamilton were ever on 
the outlook for the tricks of the other side. As illustrat- 
ing the deliberation of their methods Hudson in his valu- 
able work refers to the delay between the receipt of 
Thomas Jefferson's annual message in December, 1801, and 
its critical discussion five days later. After it had been 
digested it was gravely and forcibly torn to pieces in a letter 
signed Lucius Crassus, which was probably written by 
Hamilton. 

Coleman was a pugnacious and witty adversary, and more 
than a match for Duane or Cheetham, both of whom were 
journalistic rivals, and upon one occasion expressed himself 
in the manner of the day as follows: 

"Lie on, Duane, lie for pay. 
And Cheetham lie thou too. 
More against truth you cannot say 
Than truth can say 'gainst you.'* 

' See Appendix D. 



I 



72 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

This, or some other galling squib, led to the serious conse- 
quence of a challenge by Cheetham, the actual duel, how- 
ever, being averted, as both antagonists were arrested by 
order of Judge Brockholst Livingston, but allowed to go 
free upon their promise to abandon the encounter. How- 
ever, within a few days, a Captain Thompson accused Cole- 
man of cowardice in the Cheetham matter, was challenged 
by the latter, and a duel was fought in Love Lane, which 
is now Twenty-first Street, with the result that Thompson 
was mortally wounded, and his antagonist returned to the 
Evening Post office "and got out the paper in good style, 
although half an hour late." 

Coleman frankly admitted the influence of Hamilton in 
the conduct of the Post. HiUiard says "Jeremiah Mason 
asked him (Coleman) who wrote or aided in the preparation 
of certain articles; Coleman replied that he made no secret of 
the fact that his paper was set up under the auspices of Gen- 
eral Hamilton. I then asked him, 'Does he write in your 
paper?' 'Never a word.' 'How, then, does he assist.?' 
His answer was, 'Whenever anything occurs on which I 
feel the want of information I state matter to him, some- 
times in a note; he appoints a time when I may see him, 
usually a late hour of the evening. He always keeps him- 
self minutely informed on all political matters. As soon as 
I see him he begins in a deliberate manner to dictate and 
I to note down in shorthand; when he stops, my article is 
completed."'^ 

The bitterness of invective indulged in by the rival jour- 
nals of both parties has never been approached since. From 
May, 1803, to shortly before the duel with Burr the papers 
were filled with venomous attacks upon every one, including 
Hamilton and Burr. In an issue of the Portfolio, a Federal- 

' Hilliard's "Life of Jeremiah Mason," pp. 32, t,t,. 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 73 

ist sheet, June 5, 1804, appears the following: "Wanted, for 
the Aurora service, three fellows without ears, two with backs 
flagrant from the beadle, one traitor, and a couple of Deists, 
none need apply but who can come well recommended from 
Newgate, or their last place. N. B. Any young imp of se- 
dition who would make a tolerable devil may have everything 
found him except his washing." 

Angelica Church's continued unvarying interest in Ham- 
ilton's work is again shown in a letter written to her sister. 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton. 

London, April 25, 1788. 

At last my dear Eliza I have the best grounded hopes that 
we shall pass the remainder of our lives in the same city, how 
many happy evenings have I already past! from dwelling on 
my future happiness! 

Colonel Beckwith^ tells me that our dear Hamilton writes 
too much and takes no exercise, and grows too fat. I hate 
both the word and the thing, and I desire you will take care 
of his health and his good looks, why I shall find him on my 
return a dull, heavy fellow! 

He will be unable to Flirt as Robert Morris; pray, Betsey, 
make him walk, and ride, and be amused. You will see by 
some of Church's letters which have caused me to shed the 
most delicious tears of joy and gratitude, that it will not be 
long before we return to America. 

Embrace poor dear Hamilton for me, it is impossible to 
know him, and not to wish him health and pleasure, and 
then I am really so proud of his merit and abilities, that even 
you, Eliza, might envy my feelings. 

Adieu my dear friends, be happy. 

And again later: 

I am my dear Sister, extremely delighted with the hopes of 
seeing America happy, if the new constitution is acceded to 

* Sir George Beckwith, from 1787 to 1791, when there was no British minister in 
the United States, acted in a diplomatic capacity. 



74 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

we will enjoy it. I shall then have the prospect that my 
children will at least be happily settled in a country it has 
cost me so much to give up. Will you send me the newspa- 
pers regularly instead of sending me fruit, for it is generally 
spoiled, and the trouble getting it thro the custom house is 
immense, but the papers must be those that contain your 
husband's writings. Adieu my dear, embrace your master 
for me, and tell him that I envy you the fame of so clever a 
husband, one who writes so well; God bless him, and may he 
long continue to be the friend and the brother of your 
affectionate Angelica. 



Hamilton was an omnivorous reader, for everywhere among 
his papers long lists of books of reference are to be found of 
the most varied nature, ranging from the classics to the 
novels of the day, and it is certain that they all played a part 
in much that he did and wrote. In the library left by him 
are to be found these books, amongst others: Hume's 
''Essays," **The Letters of Pliny," "CEuvres Posthumes 
de Frederic, Roi de Prusse," "Traite Generale du Com- 
merce, " " CEuvres de Moliere, " " Histoire de Turenne, " " Gil 
Bias," **De la Felicite Publique," Diderot and D'Alem- 
berts "Encyclopedic Methodique," La Rochefoucauld-Lian- 
court's "Travels," Journal des Etats G'eneraux, "Plutarch's 
Lives," Hampton's "Polybius," Lord Chesterfield's "Let- 
ters," Voltaire, Winn's "History of America," Cicero's 
"Morals," Bacon's "Essays," Ralt's "Dictionary of Trade 
and Commerce," Montaigne's "Essays," Cudworth's "In- 
tellectual System," "The Orations of Demosthenes," Hob- 
bes's "Dialogues," Robertson's "Charles V," and Enticle's 
"History of the Late War", "The Works of Laurence 
Sterne," "The Works of Edward Gibbon," "The Connois- 
seur," Walpole's "Anecdotes," "Works of Sir Thomas 
Browne," Goldsmith's "Essays," "Hudibras," "The Works 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 75 

of St. Anselmo," "The Letters of Socrates," and Ruther- 
furd's "Institutes." 

His studious tastes and habits drew forth the famous com- 
ment of Talleyrand, who one night passed Hamilton's win- 
dow and found him at work, and later wrote, "I have," he 
said, "seen a man who made the fortune of a nation, labor- 
ing all night to support his family." 

He managed to devote a great deal of time to the study of 
the languages. Even as late as 1794 he further perfected 
himself in French with the aid of a Mr. Dornat, a Phil- 
adelphia teacher, although this seems a superfluity, for he 
always used this tongue in his talks with Volney, de Noailles, 
and the many other clever men who were driven from 
France, and who contributed to the charm of Philadelphia 
society. He subscribed for, and assiduously read. La Chron- 
ique Mensuelle, Le Trone Mensuel, and the Journal Etoile} 

The Churches, who were in England, were ever on the 
lookout for literature that might be of use to him, and Mrs. 
Church, in writing to her sister from London, February 4, 
1790, says: "I shall send by the first ships every well-written 
book that I can procure on the subject of finance. I can- 
not help being diverted at the avidity I express to whatever 
relates to this subject." She sent him Adam Smith's 
"Wealth of Nations," and it is somewhat curious to find 
Sumner^ saying, that Hamilton did not seem to have been 
guided by the works of Adam Smith, although the "best- 
known book of this writer" was in his library, nor does he 
seem to have read Hume's economic writings, nor the finan- 
cial essayists of the French. Though "he refers contemptu- 

* Many of the French books in Hamilton's library were bequeathed to him by 
his friend and client William Constable. There were three hundred and forty in 
number and were collected in Paris during the French Revolution for Mr. 
Constable by the then American Consul Joseph Picarine. 

^ Op. cit., p. 9. 



76 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ously to Turgot and Condorcet," who committed suicide by 
poison rather than go to the guillotine, he actually was in- 
fluenced, according to one of his biographers, by John 
Law, who was an able but unscrupulous financier, the 
originator of the Mississippi Bubble, and responsible for 
much of the ruin of France during the reign of Louis 
XIV. When he wrote of John Law he was only twenty- 
two years old, but he recognized him then in a letter to 
James Duane as a person of "more penetration than in- 
tegrity." Had he seen the Dutch caricatures of the Rue 
Quimquempoix or read Saint Simon's memoirs, it is doubt- 
ful if he would have taken John Law seriously. 

Even Callender, one of his bitterest antagonists, admitted 
that "as a political writer Alexander Hamilton holds the 
same rank in America that Burke enjoys in England.^ " 
Apart from the intrinsic merit of what he wrote his literary 
style was perfect, and did not partake of the florid and gran- 
diloquent character of the productions of the latter part of the 
eighteenth century, and in many respects was quite his own. 
It was free from redundant verbiage, exceedingly direct, and 
he never was at a loss for words to clothe his new ideas. 
Sumner, whose praise is sometimes faint and often patroniz- 
ing, says: "Hamilton was industrious. He wrote in a clear 
style although prolix." In reference tx) his work while at 
head-quarters during the Revolution he says that "he was 
capable of taking the General's orders and composing a 
letter, to publish them which would rank as of very high lit- 
erary merit among the writings of those days." 

Oliver,^ whose insight into Hamilton's character is unusual 
for a foreigner, but is also valuable from the intelligence and 
knowledge of men displayed, says: "There is in all Hamil- 

* "The History of the United States for 1796." Phila. : Snowden & McCorcle, 
1797. -Op. cit., p. 429. 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR ^-j 

ton's work — writings and speeches — the intense seriousness 
of youth. The qualities that made him a great statesman 
and a terrible combatant were force, lucidity, and conviction. 
His confidence in himself and in his ideas is amazing, amount- 
ing almost to fanaticism. If we seek for a complete pre- 
sentment of the man in what he wrote and spoke we shall not 
find it. He treats his public ceremoniously and with reserve. 
An excessive gravity is the rule. Anger is the only passion 
which is permitted to appear; not a beam of humor, or a 
flash of wit. The whole procedure is stately and tense. 
This, also, is in accordance with the nature of youth. " While 
to some extent this is true, and possibly Oliver has never had 
access to Hamilton's intimate correspondence, there are a 
few letters in existence that show the lighter vein in which he 
indulged. Among them are the breezy epistles to his wife, 
to her sister, and to the two or three French officers with 
whom he was on intimate terms. No better illustration of 
the occasional exercise of his graceful wit can be found than 
a letter to Miss Kitty Livingston, who seems to have been 
a rather light-headed and casual person. On one occasion, 
when she sought to secure his aid to enable certain friends to 
pass through the lines when the army was at Morristown, he 
replied : 

Alexander Hamilton to Kitty Livingston. 

Headquarters, March i8, 1779.' 

I can hardly forgive an application to my humanity to 
induce me to exert my influence in an aff'air in which ladies 
are concerned, and especially when you are of the party. 
Had you appealed to my friendship or to my gallantry, it 
would have been irresistible. I should have thought myself 
bound to have set prudence and policy at defiance, and even 
to have attacked wind-mills in your ladyship's service. I 

^ Sedgwick's "Life of William Livingston," J. J. Harper, New York, 1833, p. 320. 



78 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

am not sure but my imagination would have gone so far as 
to have fancied New York an enchanted castle — the three 
ladies so many fair damsels ravished from their friends and 
held in captivity by the spells of some wicked magician — 
General Clinton, a huge giant, placed as keeper of the gates 
— and myself, a valorous knight, destined to be their cham- 
pion and deliverer. 

But when, instead of availing yourself of so much better 
titles, you appealed to the cold, general principle of humanity, 
I confess I felt myself mortified, and determined, by way of 
revenge, to mortify you in turn. I resolved to show you that 
all the eloquence of your fine pen could not tempt our Fablus 
to do wrong; and, avoiding any representation of my own, 
I put your letter into his hands and let it speak for itself. I 
knew, indeed, this would expose his resolution to a severer 
trial than It could experience in any other way, and I was not 
without my fears for the event, but if it should decide against 
you, I anticipated the triumph of letting you see your in- 
fluence had failed. I congratulated myself on the success of 
my scheme; for, though there was a harder struggle upon the 
occasion between inclination and duty, than it would be for 
his honor to tell; yet he at last had the courage to determine 
that, as he could not indulge the ladies with consistency and 
propriety, he would not run the risk of being charged with a 
breach of both. This he desired me to tell you, though, to 
be sure, it was done in a different manner, interlaced with 
many assurances of his great desire to oblige you, and of his 
regret that he could not do it in the present case, with a deal 
of stuff of the same kind, which I have too good an opinion 
of your understanding to repeat. I shall, therefore, only tell 
you that whether the Governor and the General are more 
honest or more perverse than other people, they have a very 
odd knack of thinking alike; and it happens in the present 
case that they both equally disapprove the intercourse you 
mention, and have taken pains to discourage it. I shall 
leave you to make your own reflections upon this, with only 
one more observation, which is that the ladies for whom you 
apply would have every claim to be gratified, were it not that 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 79 

it would operate as a bad precedent. But, before I con- 
clude, it will be necessary to explain one point. This re- 
fusal supposes that the ladies mean only to make a visit and 
return to New York. If it should be their intention to re- 
main with us, the case will be altered. There will be no rule 
against their coming out, and they will be an acquisition. 
But this is subject to two provisos — 1st that they are not 
found guilty of treason or any misdemeanor punishable by 
the laws of the State, in which case the General^ can have no 
power to protect them; and 2dly, that the ladies on our side 
do not apprehend any inconvenience from increasing their 
number. Trifling apart, there is nothing could give me 
greater pleasure than to have been able to serve Miss Liv- 
ingston and her friends on this occasion, but circumstances 
really did not permit it. I am persuaded she has too just 
an opinion of the General's politeness not to be convinced 
that he would be happy to do anything which his public 
character would justify in an affair so interesting to the 
tender feelings of so many ladies. The delicacy of her own 
ideas will easily comprehend the delicacy of his situation; — 
she knows the esteem of her friend. 

A. Hamilton. 
The General and Mrs. Washington present their com- 
pliments. 

Hamilton was a busy letter writer, and many of the prod- 
ucts of his pen remain as examples of the lost art of cor- 
respondence. His chirography was artistic, graceful, and 
quite characteristic of the man, while his pithy and well- 
turned phrases remind one of the perfect English of Addi- 
son. Hawthorne thus commented upon one of his letters in 
his analysis of a book of autographs :^ 

We turn another leaf, and find a memorial of Hamilton. 
It is but a letter of introduction, addressed to Governor Jay 

' General George Washington, the Commander-in-Chief. 

* "A Book of Autographs, Hawthorne's Writings", Old Manse Edition, vol. XVII, 
p. 346. 



8o ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

in favor of Mr. Davies, of Kentucky; but it gives an impres- 
sion of high breeding and courtesy, as httle to be mistaken 
as if we could see the writer's manner and hear his cultivated 
accents, while personally making one gentleman known to 
another. There is likewise a rare vigor of expression and 
pregnancy of meaning, such as only a man of habitual 
energy of thought could have conveyed into so commonplace 
a thing as an introductory letter. 

His autograph is a graceful one, with an easy and pict- 
uresque flourish beneath the signature, symbolical of a 
courteous bow at the conclusion of the social ceremony so 
admirably performed. 

Hamilton might well be the leader and idol of the Fed- 
eralists; for he was pre-eminent in all the high qualities that 
characterized the great men of that party, and which should 
make even a Democrat feel proud that his country had pro- 
duced such a noble old band of aristocrats; and he shared 
all the distrust of the people, which so inevitably and so 
righteously brought about their ruin. 

It is almost superfluous to say that Hamilton's greatest 
literary work was done in writing the major part of The 
Federalist, and as years have rolled by the full credit has 
been accorded him. "It has," says one of his biographers, 
"long since been acknowledged to be the ablest treatise on 
our Constitution which has ever been or is ever likely to be 
written; and no person interested in such topics fails to 
become familiar with it or admire it." Hamilton's contri- 
butions were made at a trying time, when he was giving 
himself body and soul to the formation for, and adoption of, a 
Constitution by discontented patriots. Incidentally he went 
hither and thither to try his cases. These productions were 
composed under the most uncomfortable circumstances — 
in the cabin of a small Hudson River sloop; by the light of 
a dim candle in a country inn; in fact, they were regarded 
by their author only as essays for suggestive and contempo- 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 8i 

rary use. That there existed with HamlltDn and his associ- 
ates Madison and Jay some degree of uncertainty as to how 
far they should go is shown by the introduction. 

It is said that Hamilton, with Jay and others, at this very 
time suppressed the Doctor's Mob, which took place on 
April 13, 1787, on the occasion of the exposure of a part of 
a human body in one of the windows of the New York Hos- 
pital by young medical students who were engaged in dis- 
section, and this riot was the culmination of great popular 
indignation that had been caused by body snatching. It is 
related by Lossing^ that Hamilton had already been engaged 
on The Federalist^ and had written the fifth essay, but was 
so badly injured by the rioters that he was laid up for a long 
period. Though some of the Madison papers which he 
contributed to The Federalist were published in the New 
York Packet and Daily Advertiser^ the bulk of them appeared, 
eventually, in the Independent Journal and afterward in the 
other papers.^ 

The Independent Journal was published by J. and A. 
McLean of Hanover Square who, in 1788, collected the 
essays and printed the book as a whole. 

The original edition was in two volumes, sometimes bound 
together, but there is nothing in it to indicate the authorship 
of the many essays. 

Despite the evident importance of the work it did not at 
first have a large sale, although published at the moderate 
price of six shillings; yet since its appearance it has gone 
through many editions, has been translated into many lan- 
guages, and a copy of the original first edition within a year 
or two has brought at auction the sum of one hundred and 
twenty dollars. 

In this connection the following letter from the printers, 

* " Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution," vol. I, p. 384. ^ Appendix E. 



82 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

who, apparently, found the venture anything but profitable, 
may be reproduced : 

From Arch. McLean to Robert Troup 

New York, Oct. nth, 1788. 

Sir: The inclosed Account is my charge for printing and 
binding The Federalist. When Coll. Hamilton, or the Gen- 
tlemen of the Committee examine the Work, they will find 
the charge exceeding low, considering the bulk of it. 

When I engaged to do the work, it was to consist of 
twenty Numbers, or at the utmost twenty-five, which I 
agreed to print for thirty pounds, five hundred copies. I 
made my calculations accordingly and issued proposals, 
each Subscriber to pay six shillings. 

The Work increased from 25 numbers to 85, so that in- 
stead of giving the subscribers one Vollume containing 200 
pages for six shillings, I was obliged to give them two vollumes 
containing upwards of 600 pages. 

The money expended for Printing, Paper, Journeyman's 
Wages and Binding was upwards of two hundred and 
twenty Pounds; of which sum I have charged Coll. Hamilton 
with 144 pounds, which is not three shillings per Vol; I 
have several hundred copies remaining on hand, and even 
allowing they were all sold at the low price I am obliged to 
sell them at, I would not clear five pounds on the whole im- 
pression. However I must abide by the consequances, nor 
could I expG^rt the Gentlemen would make up a loss, which 
was sustained, in a great measure, by my own voluntary aid. 

The many obligations. Sir, I lay under to you and Coll. 
Hamilton will ever be remembered, and I hope the amount 
will meet with the approbation of that Honorable Gentlemen, 

I am. Sir, with the utmost respect your obliged, humble 

servant » iv^ y 

Arch. McLean. 

Robert Troup. 

There is no doubt that its influence in the affairs of other 
nations and our own has been far-reaching and of the greatest 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 83 

importance. The Baron Kaneko, one of the most learned 
and advanced Japanese, who has had much to do with the 
renaissance of his native land, told me that when the Japa- 
nese Constitution was framed, reference was frequently 
made to The Federalist* whxch. was considered by them to be 
the greatest authority upon constitutional subjects extant. 
It was of the greatest use to those who recently brought 
about the unification of the South African Colonies, and I 
am in receipt of a letter from Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson, 
who had always had so much to do with the reconciliation 
of Boor and Britain.* Certainly with us to-day, especially 
in the United States Courts, it is of valuable assistance to 
many jurists. The opinions of competent critics are all in 
accord, and Oliver speaks of this book as "one of the 
most remarkable of human documents. . . . The crowning 
merit of these papers, which were produced under great pres- 
sure — often while the printer's boy was waiting in the office — 
is that they succeeded in accomplishing what they set out to 
accomplish. They w^ere the greatest forces that worked on 
men's minds to make them consent to the adoption of the 
Constitution. '* 

Despite the assertion that Hamilton was lukewarm in re- 
gard to this instrument, Oliver ^ very properly says : "When 
he signed it he became its champion, and aftei v^ard labored 
to perfect it and make it possible, and to teach his fellow 
citizens what he reall) meant." 

Much controversial discussion has arisen as to the au- 
thorship of the different articles in this great work, and this 
has often been acrimonious.^ 

'See Appendix F. "^Op. cit., p. 167. 

^ In 1864 this fight became heated, for in that year Dawson's edition, to which Ca- 
bot Lodge gave his unquah'fied approval, because it contained many new features, 
including a biographical introduction, synoptical table of contents, and various 
notes, was published. Its appearance was immediately followed by a bitter attack 



84 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Henry B. Dawson, one of the greatest and most exact 
students of American history, in his edition of The Federal- 
ist has presented the different tables of contents, using the 
data in Hamilton's own handwriting given to Egbert Benson, 
that given to Chancellor Kent by Hamilton, the entries in the 
copies of the book left by Madison, which is now in the Con- 
gressional Library, and strangely enough bears the auto- 
graph of Mrs. Hamilton as well as that of Madison, and a 
list by Rush. He also had access to Kent's manuscript 
notes and Mr. Jay's "Recollections." There seems to be no 
dispute about the authorship of the first sixteen articles, but 
as to the others, there is some difference of opinion. As to 
these, the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth are claimed 
by Madison to be entirely his own, while joint authorship was 
asserted on all occasions by Hamilton, and this claim was 
held by Ames, who knew much about the preparation of the 
book. All agree that the articles from twenty to thirty-seven, 
and from fifty-four to eighty-five inclusive, were from Hamil- 
ton's pen. Much unnecessary speculation has been indulged 
in as to what part Hamilton took in the preparation of Wash- 
ington's Farewell Address,^ and as to the qualifications of the 
two men. Some of the many who have discussed the matter 
have declared that it was wholly Hamilton's work, while 
others, among them John Jay, who were equally positive, 
have insisted that no other hand than that of the first Presi- 
dent could have composed it. Jay, in writing to Judge 

upon the part of John Jay, the grandson of one of the original contributors. It had 
been Dawson's object to use the original text and to utilize the manuscripts of 
Madison, Jefferson, Chancellor Kent, and Rush. Jay's rejoinder to Dawson's 
prospectus was so offensive that it was withdrawn and destroyed. 

' Timothy Pickering wrote to one of Hamilton's sons in 1829 in reference to an 
interview he had with Chief Justice Marshall, February 10, 181 1: "In conversa- 
tion this day with Chief Justice Marshall, he said that he had read the whole of 
General Washington's private correspondence; and expressed his astonishment 
at the vast portion of it from General Hamilton — that he could, in addition to his 
official labors, write so much that was not official." 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 85 

Richard Peters early in 181 1, takes this position. Richard 
Peters wrote to Jay in February, 181 1, stating that a copy 
of the Farewell Address in Hamilton's handwriting had been 
found among the latter's papers, and that another copy had 
been found in the possession of "a certain gentleman" in the 
same handwriting. To this Jay replied, that "this intelli- 
gence is unpleasant and unexpected," and went on to say 
that it may be presumed from these facts that General 
Hamilton was the real and the President only the reputed 
author. This he doubts, for the reason that Washington 
was "2. character not blown up into transient splendour by 
his great and memorable deeds, but stands, and will forever 
stand, a glorious monument of human excellence." He 
then proceeds to argue further that "it was impossible for the 
President, because of his very greatness and the excellence 
of all his virtues and his familiarity with all the public affairs, 
to be anything else than the author of the document. But 
his ability to write well need not be proved by the applica- 
tion of maxims (which he quotes) ; it is established by facts. 
We are told to judge a tree by its fruit; let us, in like manner, 
judge of his pen by its performance." After this he proceeds 
to give the history as it was known to him, to wit: Some 
time before the address appeared Colonel Hamilton told Jay 
he had received a letter from Washington, with a draft of a 
farewell address which the latter had prepared, and on which 
was required an opinion. An appointment was made and 
kept, and Hamilton told Jay that he had read the address, 
and the "easiest and best" way was to leave the draft un- 
touched and in its fair state, and to write the whole over 
with such amendments, alterations, and corrections as he 
thought were advisable, and that he had done so. It was 
read over and agreed to by both and met with "mutual ap- 
probation." There was one provision that did not meet 



86 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

with Jay's approval, and he hints at it in a letter to the 
President.^ Binney^ has reviewed the whole matter of the 
authorship, and Ford^ has published nearly all the corre- 
spondence. James A. Hamilton has produced copies of let- 
ters from Washington to Hamilton, and vice versa, which 
certainly prove that the major part of the final adopted ad- 
dress was the work of Hamilton. Oliver* who, it must be 
admitted, is a capable, historical scholar, goes so far as to 
say, "In September, 1796, Washington issued his Farewell 
Address, one of the most famous documents in American 
history, and this also was from Hamilton's pen." Binney 
says Washington was undoubtedly the original designer of 
the Farewell Address. The fundamental thought and prin- 
ciples were his, but he was not the composer or writer of 
the paper. 

It will be seen that many of these conclusions were not 
based upon facts but impressions, and the actual conversa- 
tion between Hamilton and Washington certainly favors the 
assumption that Hamilton's part was the chief one, even if 
documentary evidence of another kind is lacking. After his 
father's death, James A. Hamilton diligently sought con- 
firmation from those who had known him, and were con- 
versant with the circumstances. 

George Cabot, of Boston, wrote to the latter: "When that 
address was published, it was understood among your father's 
friends that it was written by him. It was, however, con- 
sidered important that it should have the influence of Wash- 
ington's name and character, and I must advise that until 

'"The Life of John Jay, with Selections from His Correspondence," etc., by 
his son, William Jay, New York, 1833, vol. II, p. 336. Also " Inquiry into the For- 
mation of Washington's Farewell Address," September, 1859. 

^"The Life of Horace Binney," by C. C. Binney, p. 287, 1903, Philadelphia. 

^ "The Writings of George Washington, " by W. C. Ford. Putnam's, New York, 
vol. XIII, pp. 190, 193, 194, 221, 264, 269. 

*Op. cU.,p. 351. 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 87 

it has ceased to do Its work, the question of the authorship 
should not be discussed." 

William Coleman, the editor of the New Tork Evening 
Post, in a letter to the same person written October 21, 1824, 
says: 

"Colonel Troup told me that on entering your father's 
office one morning he found him earnestly engaged in pre- 
paring a composition which he told me was the Farewell 
Address; that it was nearly finished; that he actually read 
the MSS. or heard it read, and that it was the original of what 
afterward appeared in print under the name of 'Washing- 
ton's Farewell Address.'" 

Some extracts from letters that passed between Washing- 
ton and Hamilton, and collected by James A. Hamilton, 
may be reproduced. These, after Hamilton's death, re- 
mained in possession of Rufus King, and came into my uncle's 
hands only after the threat of a lawsuit. Why they should 
have been withheld can only be accounted for by the sup- 
position that it had been determined by a coterie of friends 
to give Washington the full credit for the address. They 
certainly show that there was collaboration at least, and prob- 
ably that much of the original material, and many of the 
suggestions, originated with Hamilton.^ 

Hamilton to Washington, July 30, 1796^ 

I have the pleasure to send you a certain draft which I 
have made as perfect as my time and engagement would 
permit. It has been my object to render this act impor- 
tantly and lastingly useful, and avoiding all cause of present 
exception to embrace such reflections and sentiments as will 

' Appendix G. 

^ These letters appeared in the "Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton," a book 
that had so limited a circulation that I may be pardoned for reproducing them. 
Some of them also appear in Ford's Washington's letters. 



88 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

wear well, progress in approbation with time, and redound 
to future reputation. How far I have succeeded you will 
judge. If you should intend to take the draft now sent, and 
after perusing, and noting anything you wish changed, send 
it to me, I will with pleasure shape it as you desire. This 
may also put it in my power to improve the expression, and 
perhaps in some instances condemn. 

Washington to Hamilton, August 10, 1 796 

The principal design of this letter, is to inform you that 
your favor of the 30th ult, with its enclosure, came safely to 
hand by the last post, and that the latter shall have the most 
attentive consideration I am able to give it. A cursory 
reading it has had, and the sentiments therein contained are 
exceedingly just and such as ought to be inculcated. 

Washington to Hamilton, August 26, 1796 

I have given the paper herein enclosed, several serious 
and attentive readings, and prefer it greatly to the other 
drafts, [his own included] being more copious on material 
points, more dignified on the whole, and with less egotism; 
of course less exposed to criticism, and better calculated to 
meet the eye of discerning readers, and foreigners particu- 
larly, whose curiosity I have no doubt will lead them to in- 
spect it attentively, and to pronounce their opinions on the 
performance. 

Washington to Hamilton, September i, 1796 

About the middle of last week I wrote to you, and that it 
might escape the eye of the inquisitive, (for some of my 
letters have lately been pried into), I took the liberty of put- 
ting it under cover to Mr. Jay. Since then revolving over 
the paper that was enclosed therein on the various matters it 
contained, and on the just expression of the advice or recom- 
mendation which was given in it, I have regretted that 
another subject, (which in my estimation is of interesting con- 
cern to the well being of the country) was not touched upon 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 89 

also. I mean Education generally as one of the surest means 
of enlightening and giving just ways of thinking to our 
citizens; but particularly the establishment of a University. 

Hamilton s Reply 

The idea of the University is one of those which I think 
will be most properly reserved for your speech at the open- 
ing of the session. 

Washington to Hamilton^ September 6, 1796 

If you think the idea of a University had better be reserved 
for a speech at the opening of the session, I am content to 
defer the communication of it until that period, but even in 
that case I could pray you as soon as convejjient to make a 
draft for the occasion. 

Washington to Hamilton 

The draft now sent comprehends the most if not all these 
matters, is better expressed, and I am persuaded goes as far 
as it ought with respect to any personal mention of myself. 

I should have seen no occasion myself for its undergoing 
a revision, but as your letter of the 30th ult., which ac- 
companied it, intimates a wish to do this, and knowing that 
it can be more correctly done after a writing has been out of 
sight for some time than while it is in the hands of its author, 
I send it in conformity thereto. ... If change or alteration 
takes place in the draft let them be so clearly interlined, 
erased, or referred to in the margin, that no mistake may 
be made in copying it for the press. 

To what editor in this city do you think it had best be sent 
for publication .? Will it be proper to accompany it with a 
note to him expressing ... or if you think the first not 
eligible let me ask you to sketch such a note as you may 
judge applicable to the occasion.^ 

' Also see Hamilton's draft of the Farewell Address In Ford's "Writings of George 
Washington," vol. XIII, p. 277 and the completed MS. Address in the New 
York Public Library purchased from the printer by the late James Lenox. 



90 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

It is to be regretted that Hamilton made a great mistake 
when he wrote his letter censuring John Adams. Not only 
was the act a foolish one, but it can hardly be realized how a 
man possessing, ordinarily, such good judgment could make 
what was almost a hysterical attack upon another public 
character, no matter how great the provocation. The pam- 
phlet appeared in 1800, and created great excitement among 
his brother Federalists who, upon its appearance, quickly 
advised him to suppress it. This he tried to do, but Burr, 
securing a copy, immediately flooded the market with others 
bearing upon the title-page "Re-printed Pro-Bono-Public." 
It was an abusive attack upon Adams, which was tactless in 
the extreme, and gave his enemies an opportunity to un- 
mercifully gore him. The inconsistency of abusing Adams, 
and then, in a half-hearted way, advising the Federalists to 
vote for him, was a glaring political error, and can only be 
explained by a state of mind largely induced by his own 
private sorrows, and the growing desperation which was the 
outgrowth, not only of the dissensions in his own party, but 
a gain in the strength of the anti-Federalists, whose arrows 
were, anew, dipped in venom. The most irritating of his 
critics were Callendar and Cheetham. In an "answer" 
from the latter it is suggested to Hamilton that his dislike of 
Adams arose from the fact that he had not been appointed 
Commander-in-Chief. "Have you dreamt," said Callendar, 
"that you possessed the martial qualities of a Frederick and a 
Marlborough, a Turenne and a martial Saxe .? Let the hour 
of vigilance inform you, that your imagination must have 
been intoxicated by the most delirious vanity." This was 
especially unjust and untruthful, as Washington's only in- 
sistence in reorganizing the army was that Hamilton should 
be senior of the three major-generals, though Adams ob- 
jected. Hamilton never aspired to be Commander-in- 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 91 

Chief, and there is nothing on record to even support this 
claim. Even after Hamilton's death the attacks upon him 
did not cease, and within three months after the fateful 
eleventh of July some doggerel verse called the "Hamil- 
toniad" was published, which viciously ridiculed him as well 
as his friends. 

The tendency to versification so general in the eighteenth 
century was shared by Hamilton, a few of whose fragmentary 
productions remain. One of these possesses a certain in- 
terest from the fact that he was but fifteen years old when the 
verses were written. It appears that he sat up w4th the young 
child of his friend and adviser, Elias Boudinot, during its 
fatal illness, and after its death prepared the following for the 
sorrowing mother. Only as an example of a precocious 
effusion are they presented. 

For the sweet babe, my doating heart 
Did all a Mother's fondness feel; 
Carefull to act each tender part 
And guard from every threatening ill. 

But what a loss availed my care ? 
The unrelenting hand of death, 
Regardless of a parent's prayr 
Has stopped my lovely Infant's breath. 

With rapture number o'er thy charms 
While on thy harmless sports intent 

[Illegible] 
Or pratling in my happy arms. 

No more thyself Important tale 
Some embryo meaning shall convey 
Whilst, should th' imperfect accents fail 
Thy speaking looks would still d'play. 



92 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Thou'rt gone, forever gone — yet where; 
Oh! pleasing thought; to endless bliss. 
Then why Indulge the rising tear 
Cans't thou, fond heart, lament for this ? 

Little babe thou enteredst the world weeping while 
all around you smiled; continue so to live, that 
you may depart in smiles while all around you 
weep. 

His interest in educational institutions is well known, and 
in 1792, with others, he founded an Indian school at Oneida, 
and his name headed the list of trustees. This has since 
become Hamilton College. His public services were ap- 
preciated by many universities which have since become 
famous. As early as 1788 Columbia College, empowered 
by act of Legislature, made him a Doctor of Law, while the 
same honor was conferred by Dartmouth in 1790. In the 
archives of this college is an autograph letter written from 
Philadelphia and dated January 18, 1791, sending thanks 
to Dr. Wheelock, then the president, for this compliment. 
In 1 79 1 the College of New Jersey, now Princeton, gave him 
this degree, and in 1792 both Harvard and Brown Universi- 
ties followed the example of the other institutions. In reply 
to the president, the Reverend Joseph Willard, of Harvard, 
Hamilton wrote from Philadelphia, September 6, 1 792 : "The 
honour which has been done me by the Overseers of the 
antient and justly celebrated institution, over which you pre- 
side, is appreciated by me, as it merits, and receives my most 
cordial acknowledgement. Among the many painful cir- 
cumstances, that surround a station like mine — this flattering 
mark of the esteem of a body — so respectable — is a source 
both of satisfaction and consolation." At a meeting of the 
American Philosophical Society, the oldest scientific body in 



HAMILTON AS A WRITER AND ORATOR 93 

America, held January 21, 1791, "The U, S. Secretary & 
Treasurer, Alexander Hamilton, was elected a member of 
this Society." At the same meeting Attorney-General Ran- 
dolph, Alexander Addison, Albert Gallatin, and others 
became members. 

At a meeting held April 4, 1800, the Rev. Dr. Collier made 
a statement of the sums received by him to aid Michaux's 
projected expedition. That he had received April 13, 1793, 
a donation of 1^12.50 from Alexander Hamilton, George 
Washington ^25, Robert Morris ;^20, Thomas Jefferson 
^12.50, etc." 

As a public speaker Hamilton was regarded by all his 
contemporaries in the same way — and no praise seems to 
have been too great. 

A person who was very familiar with Hamilton's methods 
in this respect was Chancellor James Kent. Though he was 
Hamilton's junior by seven years, they were always close and 
intimate friends. "Hamilton," said Kent, "generally spoke 
with great earnestness and energy, and with considerable 
and sometimes vehement gesture. His language was clear, 
nervous and classical. He went to the foundation and reason 
of every doctrine which he examined, and he brought to the 
debate a mind richly adorned with all the learning that was 
applicable." 

Lodge writes:* "There was certainly no one who was in 
active public life during the same period, unless it be John 
Adams, or Fisher Ames on one memorable occasion, who 
could compare with him as an orator"; and again: "It is 
very plain, too, that Hamilton's success in this direction was 
by no means wholly due to what he said or to his power of 
reasoning and of lucid and forcible statement. The man 
was impressive." 

' op. cit., p. 273. 



94 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

There is little information as to how Hamilton actually 
looked and spoke, if we may except what James Kent has 
said. It is certain from such knowledge as we possess that 
he was eminently fair in his arguments, and always fully 
presented both sides of the question — his trial notes show 
this. He was always explanatory, and did not cloud the 
issue by a flow of turgid or high-flown rhetoric. It would 
appear that his appeals and his statement of any case had the 
effect of a great narration, and then after drawing his con- 
clusion there was often an impassioned burst of eloquence. 
As Morse says, "When he closed he left upon his hearers the 
impression, generally correct, that they had been over the 
whole ground — not over selected parts. " Though slight and 
of comparatively small stature, he was forceful and impres- 
sive, and had the full powers of suggestion and fascination. 
In fact he made his hearers believe as he did. 



CHAPTER IV 
ELIZABETH HAMILTON 

Very little is known about the early life of Elizabeth 
Hamilton, and we are dependent for information chiefly 
upon the writings of those Frenchmen who were entertained 
at General Schuyler's house at Albany, and the diary of 
Tench Tilghman. She was the second daughter of Philip 
Schuyler, and was born August 9, 1757, within a year of 
her husband. Her mother was Catherine van Rensselaer, 
daughter of Colonel John R. van Rensselaer, who was the 
son of Hendrik, the grandson of Kiliaen, the first Patroon, 
and Engeltke (Angelica) Livingston. 

Tench Tilghman thus gives his impressions of the girl, who 
then must have been sixteen or eighteen years of age: "In 
the afternoon, having taken leave of my host, I called at the 
General Schuyler's to pay my compliments to the General, 
his Lady and Daughters. I found none of them at home 
except Miss Betsey Schuyler, the General's second daughter, 
to whom I was introduced by Mr. Commissary Livingston, 
who accompanied me. I was prepossessed in favor of this 
young lady the moment I saw her. A Brunette with the most 
good natured, dark, lovely eyes that I ever saw, which threw 
a beam of good temper and benevolence over her Entire 
Countenance. Mr. Livingston informed me that I was 
not mistaken in my Conjecture for she was the finest tem- 
pered Girl in the World. "^ Unlike her eldest sister, An- 

* "Memoirs of Lieut. -Col. Tench Tilghman," etc., pp. 89 et seq. Albany, N. Y.; 
J. Munsell, 1876. 

95 



96 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

gelica, who had gone to New Rochelle to the best school 
available at the time, Elizabeth had but few educational 
advantages and all her later correspondence shows defi- 
ciency of early training, though it was nothing unusual to 
find misspelling in most of the letters of the young women 
of the period, even those of Martha Washington being con- 
spicuous in this respect, and perhaps worse than many of the 
others. Though lacking the superficial grace and accom- 
plishments of many of her more sprightly and dashing friends, 
she must have possessed a quiet charm of her own. From 
all accounts she was gentle and retiring, yet full of gayety and 
courage, fond of domestic affairs, and probably her mother's 
chief assistant in the management of the house and slaves. 
From early childhood she should have been accustomed to 
the sight of weapons, and have early learned the necessity for 
prompt alertness, for the Indians, at times, terrorized the 
district, and a sleepy existence was unknown. One of her 
sisters, Mrs. Cochran, made the thrilling rescue of a younger 
child when the Schuyler place was raided by the savages, and 
even to-day the banister rail of the old house bears the scar 
of the tomahawk hurled at her as she dashed up the stairs, 
with her baby sister in her arms. Her father's military career 
undoubtedly brought stirring accounts of heroic duties, of 
long-suffering, and privation into the busy home, and to 
these vivid, childish impressions may have been due the un- 
quenchable spirit she afterward exhibited under agonizing 
tests. As is well known, the Schuyler home, at Albany, was 
practically an open house during the Revolution, and the 
younger daughters must have been incessantly occupied, 
supervising the arrangements for their many military guests, 
and providing gayety immeasurable in those days of haste 
and stress. English, French, and Americans alike seem to 
have carried away pleasant impressions of Betsey's intelli- 




ELIZABETH HAMILTON: AGE 

From a painting by Ralph Earle in 1787 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 97 

gence and bright dark eyes, which never lost their lustre, even 
w^hen she was an old woman. 

Hamilton's enthusiastic estimate of the charms of Eliza- 
beth Schuyler as early as 1780 is conveyed to one of her sis- 
ters — probably Angelica Church — at a time when he was 
evidently absorbed in his devotion to his sweetheart, and 
sought a chance to unbosom himself. 

Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church 

In obedience to Miss Schuyler's command, I do myself 
the pleasure to inclose you a letter which she has been so 
obliging as to commit to my care, and I beg your permission 
to assure you that many motives conspire to render this com- 
mission peculiarly agreeable. 

Besides the general one of being in the service of the ladies 
which alone would be sufficient even to a man of less zeal 
than myself, I have others of a more particular nature. 

I venture to tell you in confidence, that by some odd con- 
trivance or other your sister has found out the secret of in- 
teresting me in everything that concerns her; and though 
I have not the happiness of a personal acquaintance with you, 
I have had the good fortune to see several very pretty pictures 
of your person and mind which have inspired me with a more 
than common partiality for both. Among others, your sister 
carries a beautiful copy constantly about her elegantly drawn 
by herself, of which she has two or three times favoured me 
with a sight. You will no doubt admit it as a full proof of 
my frankness and good opinion of you, that I with so little 
ceremony introduce myself to your acquaintance and at the 
first step make you my confident. But I hope I run no risk 
of its being thought an impeachment of my discretion. 
Phlegmatists may say I take too great a license at first setting 
out, and witlings may sneer and wonder how a man the least 
acquainted with the world should show so great facility in 
his confidence — to a lady. But the idea I have formed of 
your character places it in my estimation above the insipid 
maxims of the former or the ill-natured jibes of the latter. 



98 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

I have already confessed the influence your sister has 
gained over me — ^yet notwithstanding this, I have some 
things of a very serious and heinous nature to lay to her 
charge. — She is most unmercifully handsome and so per- 
verse that she has none of those pretty affectations v^hich 
are the prerogatives of beauty. Her good sense is destitute 
of that happy mixture of vanity and ostentation which would 
make it conspicuous to the whole tribe of fools and foplings 
as well as to men of understanding so that as the matter now 
stands it is little known beyond the circle of these — She has 
good nature affability and vivacity unimbelHshed with that 
charming frivolousness which is justly deemed one of the 
principal accomplishments of a belle. In short she is so 
strange a creature, that she possesses all the beauties virtues 
and graces of her sex without any of those amiable defects, 
which from their general prevalence are esteemed by con- 
noisseurs necessary shades in the character of a fine woman. 
The most determined adversaries of Hymen can find in her 
no pretext for their hostihty, and there are several of my 
friends, philosophers who railed at love as a weakness, men 
of the world who laughed at it as a phantasie whom she has 
presumptuously and daringly compelled to acknowledge its 
power and surrender at discretion. I can the better assert 
the truth of this, as I am myself of the number. She has had 
the address to overset all the wise resolutions I had been fram- 
ing for more than four years past, and from a rational sort of 
being and a professed contemner of Cupid has in a trice 
metamorphosed me into the veriest inamorato your perhaps 
[several words illegible.] 

These are a few specimens of the mischief and enormities 
she has committed the little time she has made her appear- 
ance among us — I should never have done, were I to attempt 
to give you a catalogue of the whole — of all the hearts she has 
vanquished — of all the heads she has turned — of all the phi- 
losophers she has unmade, or of all the standards she has fixed 
to the great prejudice of the general service of the female world. 
It is essential to the safety of the state and to the tranquility 
of the army — that one of two things take place, either that she 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 99 

be immediately removed from our neighborhood, or that some 
other nymph quaHfied to maintain an equal sway come into 
it. By dividing her empire it will be weakened and she will 
be much less dangerous when she has a rival equal in charms 
to dispute the prize with her. I solicit your aid. 

The girl friends of Elizabeth Schuyler, among others, 
included Kitty Livingston, the youngest daughter of Gov- 
ernor William Livingston of New Jersey, and Gertrude, the 
daughter of Robert R. Livingston. The latter married Gen- 
eral Morgan Lewis, who afterward became a distinguished 
jurist. The letters that passed between these friends in some 
measure indicate the relations that existed between them at a 
time when letter writing was more in vogue than it is to-day. 
The first two were probably written when Elizabeth Schuyler 
was at her father's head-quarters at Morristown in 1780. 

Kitty Livingston to Elizabeth Schuyler 

My dear Girl: I wrote you a long thoughtless letter some 
days since; did you receive it ^. My happy Brother was this 
day, eight days, the Father of a little Cherib, who bears every 
appearance of Health and good humor. Apropos Cushion, 
Dash, and Bear, are in the possession of Mrs. Duncan of 
Philadelphia. I will be much obliged to you to buy me 
thread of such sorts as are most useful to yourself. As you 
have not yet answered my last, I presume you will embrace 
this opportunity of writing; one thing more and I will ex- 
cuse you; Will you if you have any conveyance to Mr. 
Lott's, send my Compliments to Mrs. Lott and let her know 
the above important intelligence .f* 

Fare Well dear Bess, believe me most affectionately 

your 

Friend t^ t 

Kitty Livingston. 

Valley of Lebanon, 13th of May, 1779. 

Present my love to Mrs. and Dr. Cochran.^ 

' Dr. John Cochran, who married Gertrude Schuyler. 



100 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Kitty Livingston to Elizabeth Hamilton, then at Head-quarters 
at New Windsor 

Rhinebeck, February 7, 1781. 

My dear Betsy: Willing to avail myself of an opportunity 
I this moment heard of, I take my pen with pleasure to assure 
my dear Girl, no one can be more sincere than her Friend 
Kitty, in every Kind and tender wish for her felicity. I 
should not have thus long delayed answering your agreeable 
Favor, had a safe conveyance been in my power, tho' if I were 
inclined to plead a bad example, or an excuse yours would 
naturally occur. 

I have just returned from a most delightful ride, the 
weather was divine, the season seems to have lost its usual 
vigor, and Winter wears no frowns. I believe in my heart, 
the world, tiring of revolving the same course since the 
Creation, and seeing all things changing but itself, has by 
some extraordinary effort taken a leap nearer the Sun, and 
we are now where Maryland should be. Lady Kitty^ declares 
she has not yet got thoroughly cooled, since August last, and 
one would from motives of benevolence v/ish to prepare her 
to endure the heats of Summer, which appears to be fast ap- 
proaching. She and Miss Brown are at Clermont whither 
I repair tomorrow. 

Present my compliments to Colonel Hamilton and assure 
him of my best wishes, though I feel myself much hurt at an 

assertion he made some time since at Mr. D. 's — that I 

was soon to be connected to Mr. C. 

I have lately received (tho' the date was not a very early 
one) a long letter from my friend Angelica,^ and she continues 
to love, and to tell me so in terms so tender, so well adapted 
to the constancy and purity of her affection, that I do not at 
all fear absence will lessen our Friendship, or time render it 
less interesting and sincere. She is in short the most amiable 
of women, and when I cease to think her so, my nature or hers 
must change. 

' Lady Kitty Stirling. ^ Angelica Church. 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON loi 

I have purchased your apron and will if possible send it on 
by the person who takes this. I enclose my measures for 

a pair of shoes. Putman makes them at Phi a as well 

as Boston. If I did not know an apology made a bad thing 
worse, I would endeavor to say something in behalf of this 
poor letter, pray do not let Colonel Hamilton see it. His 
forte is writing I too well know, to submit anything I can say 
tonight to his inspection — from your Friendship I know I 
have nothing to dread — 
Farewell, my dear Eliza 

beheve your affectionate 
Friend 

Cath. Livingston. 

Disappointed in the conveyance mentioned I send this per 
post and with Miss Brown's love to you, and Family will pre- 
sent my most respectful compliments to Mrs. & Gen'l W. — 
My love to Mrs. Cochran — Pray do you talk of a Jaunt to 
New York .^ I have heard such a rumor, if you do say every- 
thing from me to Ann that you Know I would myself repeat, — 
How is Col. Tilghman .' Miss Brown says very ill. I hope 
he is recovering — Farewell once more, I wish I could tell you 

so in person t^ 

^ Ever yours 

Kitty Livingston. 

Clermont, February nth. 

Miss Kitty appears to have been a belle, and something 
of a coquette. She certainly was not as sedate as her 
sister Susan who married John Jay, and it may be inferred 
from her father's letters and that sent to Hamilton and 
printed elsewhere, that she was somewhat spoiled and gen- 
erally, if possible, had her own way. During a visit to 
Philadelphia in August, 1779, her father wrote :^ "I know 
there are a number of flirts in Philadelphia equally famed 
for their want of modesty as want of patriotism who will 

' Op. cit., p. 338. 



102 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

triumph In our complaisance to the red-coat prisoners lately 
arrived in that Metropolis. I hope none of my connexions 
will imitate them either in the dress of their heads or the still 
more tory feelings of their hearts." 

Mrs. Morgan Lewis to Elizabeth Hamilton 

My dear Friend: It is not my intention by writing this 
to engage you In a settled Correspondence with a person so 
useless to you, and in a situation so eventless as I am here 
tho' such a commerce would be highly agreeable to me, I am 
not so selfish as to make the request, yet I Flatter myself that 
notwithstanding these disadvantages this testimony of my 
love and regard will not be received with indifference by you 
for whom I feel the warmest sentiments that the most perfect 
esteem and Friendship can inspire. 

Tho' I have long loved you My Dear Eliza yet I think you 
was never so Dear to me as now that we are about to be 
separated without a prospect of meeting soon. Sure I owe It 
to some Evil Genius that I am thus deprived of the pleasure 
of being more with one to whose Company and conversa- 
tion I owe many of the happiest hours of my life. I know 
of nothing that will make up the loss of your Society to me 
but as I have a Mind naturally disposed to be Cheerful I will 
turn my thoughts to that which will give me most Comfort, 
and will cherish the hope that you will sometimes think of 
your absent Friend with affection forgetting her faults and 
remembering her Chief merit which Is that she Knows how 
to love and value you. I have also a peculiar pleasure in 
reflecting that our Friendship has been Constant, uninter- 
rupted by suspicion or envy, tho I am very conscious that 
you excel me in all that has any claim to applause yet I take 
a pride In hearing you commended for Virtues I Imitate very 
imperfectly. 

I had some faint hope of seeing you at N. Y. but was dis- 
appointed by Mr. Lewis^ being obliged to attend the Court at 
Albany this I regret very much tho tis a sad Consolation to 

* Morgan Lewis, afterward presiding judge in the Croswell case. 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 103 

take leave. I did not hear you was at Albany till I heard you 
was about to leave it or I should have endeavored to have 
seen you there. Mr. Lewis has this Day set out for that 
place and has left my little Peggy and me alone, she is now 
asleep and I with neither Talents nor Topics to entertain you 
cannoi quit scribbling because it cheers my solitude as I 
seem to be talking to you And forget that you are perhaps 
two hundred miles from me but wherever you are my Heart 
is with you I wish it was in my power to serve you that I 
might shew you how much my actions would exceed my pro- 
fession. 

Have the goodness to commend me to Col. Hamilton and 
the Dear Children in whose Welfare I take a lively interest 
tell the Renowned Philip^ I have been told that he has out- 
stript all his Competitors in the race of Knowledge and that 
he dayly gains new Victorys by Surpassing himself but that 
with all his acquirements he can not decline his lesson. Ex- 
cuse this Folly. 

With your usual Friendship and goodnature excuse what 
is wrong in this letter, I never could write. 

Farewel to you whom I love for all that can create affec- 
tion and esteem accept of every good wish that an Heart alive 
to the tenderest sensation can breathe from 

r\ . u .-, ,0^^ Yours G. Lewis. 

October 17, iboo. 

The surroundings and circumstances of Elizabeth Schuy- 
ler's life had all tended to prepare her for her future as Hamil- 
ton's wife. Had she been any other than what she was, de- 
spite all his genius and force of character, Hamilton could 
never have attained the place he did. His letters show defer- 
ence to her judgment and opinion, so we may conclude that 
he confided all his thoughts and plans, and made her a party 
to much that he did, yet his tender concern for her must have 
spared her many worries, and the knowledge of much that 
was harrassing in his career. There is a general solicitude in 

* The first son of Alexander and Elizabeth Hamilton, 



/1 



104 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

his letters and especially in the last two he ever wrote, which 
are the saddest of all. From many short letters and notes 
that remain it is evident that he apprised her of all his move- 
ments both in the field and afterward, and the conditions of 
his aflPairs. 

She was remarkable for her piety, benevolence, and sym- 
pathy for every form of distress. She and Hamilton seem to 
have been agreed on that point all through their married 
life. When Philadelphia was filled with French emigres, 
they both were among the first to give, and many widows 
and orphans were assisted with money and clothing. I have 
found an old subscription paper of this kind containing 
many interesting names of prominent persons connected 
with the early history of America, which is worthy of intro- 
duction and is in Hamilton's handwriting. The "Mary 
Morris" who heads the list was the wife of Robert Morris, 
the financier: 

List of French Distressed Persons 

1. Madame le Grand with two Children lives near the little Market 

at the house of Mr. Peter French, Hatter, in the greatest 
Indigence. 

2. Madame Demarie blind with a daughter who is a widow, and a 

little Child, No. 19 Cedar Street in dreadful distress. 

3. Madame Noel 7 Children and an orphan of whom she takes 

charge, Mulbery Street No 223 — ^has not yet experienced 
so great extremity as the former, but is at present without 
money and owes 26 Dollars. 

4. Madame Robard with 4 Children. 

5. Madame Benoit with two both in the greatest indigence. Their 

residence at present unknown — • 

Subscriptions for the Relief of the 

foregoing persons '(viz) 

Mary Morris 10 dollars 

Eliza Hamilton 20 dollars 

M. Cazenove Ten dollars 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 105 

Susan Kean 5 dollars 

Cash 10 Dollars 

Dr. Huger^ 5 Dollars. 50 

Ann H. Livingston 3 Dollars 

O. Stewart Five dollars 

paid L. Knox Ten Dollars 

pd. D. M. Smith five Dollars 

pd. Dalton five Dollars 

pd. I. Williams five Dollars 

pd Cash 5 Dollars 

pd. H. Breck ten Dollars 

pd. R. Izard Five Dollars. 50 

pd. E. Lageremme Five Dollars 

pd. Y. Z Fifteen Dollars 

Paid — Capt 5 Dollars 

paid — Eliz^ Powel lo Dollars 

paid — T. L 8 dollars 

paid — Eliz*^ Cabot 5 Dollars, 

R. K. 46. 
R. King— 5 Dollars paid R. K. 

O. Ellsworth 5 Dollars paid R. K. 

P. Butler 5 Dollars paid R. K. 

M. Coxe 3 Dollars paid. 

Nohitosidos 5 Drs. 

John Guest gives 10 Doll. 

As one who knew Elizabeth Hamilton said: "Hers was 
a strong character with its depth and warmth, whether 
of feeling or temper controlled, but glowing underneath, 
bursting through at times in some emphatic expression. 
Hers was a stern ordeal; within a few years she experienced 
the shock of two violent deaths by duels — those of her 
eldest son and husband, the death of her sister and mother 
and father; her eldest daughter's insanity, and with this, 
little or no means with which to support and educate her 
family of seven children, five growing sons, her invalid 
daughter and a younger daughter. No wonder the light of 

* Who helped Lafayette to escape from the prison of Olmutz. 



io6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

youth had vanished from her face when the widow's cap 
replaced the Marie Antoinette coiffure." From the rapidity 
with which her children came she must have had little or no 
time for social pleasures, although much of her early married 
life was spent in Philadelphia and New York, where her 
husband was either taking part in the affairs of the govern- 
ment or practising law. Her sister writes to the former 
place from London: "Do you live as pleasantly at Phila- 
delphia as you did at New York ? or are you obliged to bear 
the formahtjies of female circles, and their trifling chit chat ? 
To you who have at home the most agreeable Society in the 
World, how you must smile at their manner of losing [their ?] 
time — 

She was, undoubtedly, most energetic, and possessed a 
great deal of the Dutch tenacity, for she lived to the great age 
of ninety-seven with apparently no diminution of intelligence, 
still continuing to take interest in public affairs and the ca- 
reers of her children, and writing letters even after her 
ninetieth year, which, despite a little tremulousness, were all 
they should be so far as intelligent expression was concerned. 
It cannot be denied that Hamilton made money easily, and 
that he had very grand ideas which it took a long purse to ma- 
terialize. That he was something of a spendthrift is shown 
in his purchase of much real estate, and the preparation of 
a somewhat magnificent scheme for his country place in the 
upper part of Manhattan. It was probably his wife who 
made him more conservative than he would have been 
without such a check. McHenry, in a letter to Hamilton, 
said of her : " She has as much merit as your Treasurer as you 
have as Treasurer of the wealth of the United States. " ' Still, 
when Hamilton was prosperous after he had become fairly 

'"Life and Letters of James McHenry," etc., by B. C. Steiner. Cleveland: 
Burrows Bros. & Co., 1907. 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 107 

launched in the practice of law they lived comfortably but 
evidently quite up to their income, which, in those days, was 
large. 

Angelica Church, in writing from Putney, October 5, 
1796, to her sister says: "Colonel Nobel is returned very 
much pleased by his reception in New York, and has assured 
me that you republican Ladys live with as much splendour 
and expense as her slaves. I do not mean this for you dear 
Eliza who have a better taste." 

Other letters of Mrs. Church indicate the affectionate re- 
lations of the two sisters. 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton. 

Paris, Jan. 27, 1784. 

Dear Sister: I have written to you twice since I have 
been at Paris but have not received a line from you or Col. 
Hamilton. I intended to have called my little girl Eliza 
after Mr. Church's mother, but she thinks Angelica a much 
prettier name. Mr. Church is also of that opinion, but I 
promise that the next girl I make shall be called Betsey. 

I should like Paris exceedingly if it was nearer to America, 
for I have a very agreeable sett of acquaintance, particularly 
a Madame de Ture who is a great admirer of our dear papa. 
She says he is the most amiable man in the Continent. Mr. 
Franklin^ has the gravel, and he desires to return to America; 
they talk of Papa or Col. Hamilton as his successor, how 
would you like to cross the Atlantic, is your lord a Knight of 
Cincinnati. It has made a most wonderful noise here, but it 
is remarked that the order will probably exist in France when 
it will be neglected in America. 

Adieu, my dear Betsy, I embrace you with all my heart, 
give my Compliments to Col. & Mrs. Lewis^ and Mrs. 
Montgomery, and do me the favor to write to me very often. 

' Benjamin Franklin. 

^ Col. Morgan Lewis. Mrs. Lewis was a sister of Mrs. Montgomery, the widow 
of General Richard Montgomery, killed before Quebec. 



io8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Mrs. Jay^ lives in a small house very clean and neat about half 
a mile from Paris. The Americans have the pleasure to 
drink tea with her once a week. Tell Colonel Hamilton if 
he does not write to me that I shall be very angry, A. C. 

Ten years later she wrote: 

A^zgelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton 

London, December ii, 1794. 

I received my dear Eliza, a short but very kind letter from 
my brother, dated Bedford. During his absence, my love, 
I know that you have been very unhappy and I have often 
thought of you with more than common tenderness. 

Do you believe there is hope of your going to New York to 
live for life. If you remain at Philadelphia, I must be there. 
My inclinations lead me to prefer New York, my affections 
where you reside, but altogether for my love to You Eliza, 
my dear, Hamilton has his share in this determination, you 
see that I make no plans without your advice. 

It is an age since I have had a letter from Mrs. Craig, pray 
tell her so, I am informed it is much more expensive living 
in Philadelphia than in cities of the same size in England. I 
wish you would employ some idle man of your acquaintance 
to send me a list of prices of articles in daily use, I receive so 
many applications for information, and I am ashamed to be 
so very ignorant as I am on this subject, it would be very 
amiable, my dear, to write me long letters and to think how 
much they console me in your absence. 

I send you a letter which you will oblige me by having 
carefully delivered. I never heard of Mrs. Cochran.^ If she 
is alive, pray tell her that I inquired after her. Catherine' 

* Mrs. John Jay. 

^ Evidently a satirical reference to her sister Gertrude. 

^ Her daughter. Angelica Church later wrote (Putney, Dec. 6, 1796): "Cath- 
erine is proud of Alexander's commendation and with reason, for he is the arbiter 
of wit and elegance, it is not a female mind not to believe herself deserving; his 
praises have made a powerful impression: I have, when much older, been very vain 
of them." 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 109 

has a cold and slight fever, or she meant to have written 
you. Why did you not let Mr. Trumbull^ draw your picture 
for me .? He has Mrs. Washington's which is wonderfully 
like her. I looked at it with a sentiment of gratitude for her 
many acts of kindness when I was in America with you. My 
dear, if you think proper present my respects to her and the 
general. A long letter, my dear sister, will be the best New 
Year's gift that I can receive. 

When you see Messrs. Baumetz and Talleyrand tell them 
that they are indeed American citizens, I know it from their 
having forgot to write to their absent friends, their friend 
Madam Adele is still in Switzerland and there likely to con- 
tinue from the difficulties of traveling. I am very sorry to 
trouble you with my confessions, you have spoiled me Eliza. 

Pray let Angelica" learn French. A person who speaks 
the language well might teach her giving her a lesson an hour 
every day. Adieu, my dear, embrace your children for me, 
I long to have that pleasure myself. My family join in love 
with you and adieu, 

Your affectionate sister, 

A. C. 

Has Peggy' been to Philadelphia or must she always be 
within the sound of the Dutch bell ?* 



After her husband's death Mrs. Hamilton's life seems to 
have been devoted not only to her numerous charities, but 
to the ceaseless and vigilant efforts, to the end that her hus- 
band should receive full justice, that his memory should be 
vindicated, and that his manuscripts should be published; 
so we find her making repeated appeals to the government, 
and journeying from one part of the country to the other to 
interest public men in this work. As many succeeding 

* John Trumbull, the artist, born June, 1756, died November, 1843. 

*The eldest daughter of Alexander Hamilton. 

^ Margaret Schuyler, who married Stephen van Rensselaer. 

*At Albany? 



^ 



no ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

administrations were opposed to Hamilton and his political 
faith, she did not meet with the encouragement that she 
deserved, and there seems to have been a reluctance even 
upon the part of some of Hamilton's closest friends — Rufus 
King, for example — to give her certain letters and papers 
which they wrongly thought it might be impolitic to publish. 
Among these were documents relating to Washington's Fare- 
well Address, which disclosed the part taken by Hamilton in 
its preparation. She always maintained that her husband 
was its author, and insisted that this fact should be known. 
She and her son James were constantly at work to effect 
this end. James was then a grown man and a lawyer, and 
at his instance a suit in Chancery was brought to obtain 
certain parts of the correspondence that had passed be- 
tween Washington and Hamilton, which was successful, 
and they were used by the younger Hamilton in his "Remi- 
niscences." The discussion of how much Hamilton had 
to do with this memorable address has been ever active, and 
even bitter, as has been shown elsewhere, and is by no 
means now fully settled. The venerable widow, when she 
was eighty-two, reiterated her belief in her husband's respon- 
sibility for most of it, and the following paper was exe- 
cuted, probably at a time when she was more disturbed than 
usual, by the insistent claims of those who sought to be- 
little him, and gives her impressions of Hamilton's share of 
the work : 



Elizabeth Hamilton s Statement as to ^Washington's Farewell 

Address 

Desirous that my children should be fully acquainted with 
the services rendered by their Father to our country, and the 
assistance given by him to General Washington during his 
administration, for the one great object, the Independence 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON in 

and Stability of the Government of the United States, there 
is one thing in addition to the numerous proofs which I leave 
them and which I feel myself in duty bound to State; which 
is: that a short time previous to General Washington's re- 
tiring from the Presidency in the year 1796 General Hamilton 
suggested to him the idea of delivering a farewell address to 
the people on his withdrawal from public life, with which 
idea General Washington was well pleased, and in his answer 
to General Hamilton's suggestion gave him the heads of the 
subjects on which he would wish to remark, with a request 
that Mr, Hamilton would prepare an address for him; Mr. 
Hamilton did so, and the address was written, principally at 
such times as his office was seldom frequented by his cHents 
and visitors, and during the absence of his students to avoid 
interruption; at which times he was in the habit of calling 
me to sit with him, that he might read to me as he wrote, in 
order, as he said, to discover how it sounded upon the ear, 
and making the remark, "My dear Eliza, you must be to me 
what Moliere's old nurse was to him." 

The whole or nearly all the "Address" was read to me by 
him as he wrote it and a greater part if not all was written by 
him in my presence. The original was forwarded to Gen. 
Washington who approved of it with the exception of one 
paragraph, of, I think, about four or five lines, which if I 
mistake not was on the Subject of public schools, which was 
stricken out. It was afterwards returned to Mr. Hamilton 
who made the desired Alteration, and was afterwards de- 
livered by General Washington, and published in that form, 
and has ever since been Known as "General Washington's 
Farewell Address." Shortly after the publication of the 
address, my husband and myself were walking in Broadway, 
when an old soldier accosted him, with a request of him to 
purchase General Washington's Farewell address, which he 
did and turning to me Said "That man does not know he has 
asked me to purchase my own work. " 

The whole circumstances are at this moment, so perfectly 
in my remembrance, that I can call to mind his bringing 
General Washington's letter to me^ which returned the 

*In the hall of the house where we then resided in Liberty Street, near Broadway. 



112 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

"address," and remarking on the only alteration which he 
(General Washington) had requested to be made. 

New York, Aug. 7th, 1840. 

Eliz"^^ Hamilton.^ 

Witness 
as 
J. A. Washington ^ 
J. A. Macdonald. \ 



General Schuyler left a large amount of property and, some 
years after his death, his other sons and daughters generously 
deeded much of their shares to their widowed sister, because 
of Hamilton's impoverishment. Some of this was in Sara- 
toga County, some near Utica, some near Owego, and small 
portions were in the cities of New York and Albany. It was 
Mrs. Hamilton's custom, when interested in any particular 
charity, to sell piece by piece, and devote the proceeds to the 
particular object, so that when she died she was in strait- 
ened circumstances, and had, for some time, been entirely 
dependent upon her children and the back pay awarded 
Hamilton by the government. "Her grief over the two 
children she had lost," said a contemporary writer, "took the 
form of protection of those who were poor and unfriended, 
as well as orphaned. To Mrs. Hamilton is directly owing 
the first orphan asylum of New York. On its fiftieth an- 
niversary a memorial service was held in the Church of the 
Epiphany (in Washington, where she then was for the win- 
ter), and the work and its greatly extended good were gone 
over. The seed had become a tree with mighty branches. 
Mrs. Hamilton was feeble and could not sit through the 
whole service, but came only for a part; always to the 
communion service. This Sunday she came in toward the 

' Then eighty-four years old. 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 113 

close. Our minds and hearts were filled with the good 
work of this gentle lady when she entered — a very small, up- 
right little figure in deep black, never altered from the time 
her dark hair was framed in by the widow's cap, until now 
the hair was as white as the cap. 

"As she moved slowly forward, supported by her daughter, 
Mrs. Holly, one common feeling made the congregation rise 
and remain standing until she was seated in her pew at the 
front. "^ 

Her great effort seems to have been to the end that the 
letters left by her husband should be published, and his life 
written by some competent person. Unfortunately, one of 
her clergymen was chosen to do the latter, and as it was not 
a judicious selection, the result was unsuccessful. She first 
wrote to Bushrod Washington, a nephew of the President, 
whose reply is appended, but nothing seems to have come of 
all this. It was not until many years later that her son 
John C. Hamilton wrote a life of his father collecting and 
publishing many of his letters in a series of seven volumes. 

Bushrod Washington^ to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Mt. Vernon, Dec. 14, 1819. 

My dear Madam: Your favor of the 5th of Nov"^ was 
received by Mr. Herbert, whilst I was in Philadelphia and 
was not placed in the bundle of letters which he delivered 
me upon my return. He had accidently put it by itself, and 
found it a day or two ago, when he delivered it to me. This 
must be my apology for the delay of this answer. 

It affords me great pleasure to know Mr. Hopkinson^ 

* " Souvenirs of my Time," Mrs. Fremont. 

^ A nephew of George Washington. Associate justice of the United States 
Supreme Court. 

^ Probably Joseph Hopkinson, son of Francis, the Signer. He was leading coun- 
sel in Dr. Rush's suit against Cobbett, and later justice of the U. S. Circuit Court 
in Pennsylvania. He was the author of "Hail Columbia." 



114 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

has undertaken to write the life of Genl. Hamilton, not only 
because his fine talents will enable him to do justice to the 
work, but because he admired, in common with every 
American patriot, the virtues, and the distinguished talents 
of that Great man. 

The Contract which I made with Mr. Wayne, the pub- 
lisher of the life of Gen'l Washington was, to assign the copy- 
rights of the work to him, and to receive from him one dollar 
per volume, for every volume subscribed for, or sold during 
the period of the copyright. This dollar per volume was 
equally divided between C. Justice Marshall,^ the author^ 
& myself. There were 7000 copies subscribed for, and 
Mr. Marshall and myself received from Mr. Wayne the 
amount calculating it at a dollar each volume. I think that, 
as to all sales that were made over that number, we made a 
compromise with Mr. Wayne & received from him ^4000. 
I should expect that a contract of this nature would be as 
favorable to you as you could expect to make. 

I do not know whether I have ever yet acknowledged my 
obligation to you for the seeds you were so good as to send 
me; if I have not, permit me now to do it, and to assure you 
that my silence did not proceed from unthankfulness for the 
favor. The corn met my approbation so fully that I shall 
plant the whole of my crop, at one farm, next year, of that 
kind — It comes very early, & the ear is of good size. 

Present my best regards & wishes to my favourite Eliza^ 
and believe me, good friend, that nothing could afford me a 
higher gratification than to pass a day or two with you and 
her at the Grange — I have not heard of or from William^ 
since he went into the wilderness. 

The family of my niece and Mr. Woodlawn are all well, — • 
Frances not yet married, but all in good time. She is a 
charming girl, as is her sister Agnes, now nearly grown up. 
Mrs. Washington's health is much the same as when you 

'Chief Justice John Marshall. Besides his well-known "Life of Washington," 
he wrote a "History of the Colonies Planted by the British in North America." 

* Her youngest daughter Mrs. Holly. 

* Her son William Stephen. 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 115 

were here; she yet continues to retire from company at home 
and abroad. 

I am with sentiments of esteem, respect and regard, 
My dear Madam, 

Yr. friend and faithful humb. serv. 

BusHROD Washington. 

In 1849 ^^^ Hamilton MSS. were purchased by the govern- 
ment. From the time of her husband's death almost to her 
own in 1854 Mrs. Hamilton was constantly engaged in 
writing to the leading Federalists all over the country and 
making inquiries to enable her to ascertain all the facts she 
could. Besides corresponding she made long journeys to 
carry out her quest with more or less success. She wrote to 
her daughter Mrs. Holly, in Philadelphia, in 1832: 

"I have my fears I shall not obtain my object. Most of 
the contemporaries of your father have also passed away. I 
have since you left this, seen Mr. S. Kane, he is doing all he 
can, as is Mr. Clymer. '* 

Shortly before her death a friend wrote as follows: "The 
widow of Alexander Hamilton has reached the great age of 
ninety-five and retains in an astonishing degree her faculties 
and converses with much of that ease and brilliancy which 
lent so peculiar a charm to her younger days. And then, 
after passing the compliments and congratulations of the 
day, insists upon her visitors taking a merry glass from 
General Washington's punch bowl, which, with other por- 
tions of his table set, remains in her possession." At this 
time she showed a great deal of physical vigor, walking from 
her own house in H Street to visit her old friend. Judge 
Cranch, three miles away, on Capitol Hill, in the city of 
Washington. Her last illness was a comparatively short one, 
and until a few days before her death her mind was perfectly 
clear. 



ii6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Mrs. Hamilton could never forget the behavior of Monroe 
when he, with Muhlenberg and Venables, accused Hamilton 
of financial irregularities at the time of the Reynolds incident. 
Many years afterward, when they were both aged people, 
Monroe visited her and an interview occurred which was 
witnessed by a nephew, who was then a lad of fifteen. "I 
had, " he says, " been sent to call upon my Aunt Hamilton one 
afternoon. I found her in her garden and was there with 
her talking, when her maid servant came from the house with 
a card. It was the card of James Monroe. She read the 
name, and stood holding the card, much perturbed. Her 
voice sank, and she spoke very low, as she always did when 
she was angry. 'What has that man come to see me for?' 
escaped from her. 'Why, Aunt Hamilton,' said I, 'don't 
you know, it's Mr. Monroe, and he's been President, and 
he is visiting here now in the neighborhood, and has been very 
much made of, and invited everywhere, and so — I suppose he 
has come to call and pay his respects to you.' After a mo- 
ment's hesitation, 'I will see him,' she said. 

"The maid went back to the house, my aunt followed, 
walking rapidly, I after her. As she entered the parlor 
Monroe rose. She stood in the middle of the room facing; 
him. She did not ask him to sit down. He bowed, and ad- 
dressing her formally, made her rather a set speech — that it 
was many years since they had met, that the lapse of time 
brought its softening influences, that they both were nearing 
the grave, when past differences could be forgiven and for- 
gotten — in short, from his point of view, a very nice, conci- 
liatory, well-turned little speech. She answered, still stand- 
ing, and looking at him, 'Mr. Monroe, if you have come to 
tell me that you repent, that you are sorry, very sorry, for 
the misrepresentations and the slanders, and the stories you 
circulated against my dear husband, if you have come to say 




ELIZABETH HAMILTON: AGE 94 

From a charcoal sketch by Martin, 1851 



ELIZABETH HAMILTON 117 

this, I understand it. But, otherwise, no lapse of time, no 
nearness to the grave, makes any difference.' She stopped 
speaking, Monroe turned, took up his hat and left the room. " 
In this connection it may be said that the oft-repeated 
story of the meeting of Mrs. Hamilton and Aaron Burr, 
many years later on an Albany steamboat, is a fiction, but it 
was probably suggested by the Monroe incident. 



CHAPTER V 

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

The years from 1779 to 1783 included a most interesting 
period of American history, and in this brief space a number 
of events occurred which not only directly concerned Hamil- 
ton, but also his father-in-law. In the late spring of 1780 
Sir Henry Clinton had captured Charleston and returned to 
New York, leaving Cornwallis in command, who reorgan- 
ized the British forces and defeated Gates at Camden in Sep- 
tember of that year, putting the latter to inglorious flight. 
Even Greene, who was considered the best general of the 
American army, and who had been sent to succeed Gates, 
was twice defeated, once at Guilford Courthouse and again 
at Hobkirk Courthouse, in South Carolina. Later Corn- 
wallis proceeded northward, making a junction with Arnold, 
who had espoused the British cause and escaped to the man- 
of-war Vulture after eluding Hamilton who was sent to capt- 
ure him near West Point. Arnold, however, was sent to 
New York to join Clinton who had become alarmed. Wash- 
ington, whose good generalship was always evident, with the 
aid of Rochambeau, made a pretended assault upon that 
city, with the result that Clinton was so embarrassed that he 
hastily sent to Cornwallis, begging for additional help. The 
next step was the advance of the American army into Vir- 
ginia where, with the co-operation of the French fleet under 
DeGrasse and the French allies under Rochambeau, the 
attack was made upon Cornwallis who had intrenched him- 

118 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 119 

self at Yorktown. It is hardly necessary to refer to the sur- 
render of the brave English leader, or the details of the siege 
or battle; suffice it to say that Hamilton's conduct had much 
to do with the success of the American forces, and gained for 
him a great deal of his military reputation. 

Clinton was yet in New York, but the Patriot army, still 
further reduced by its late experience, preferred to play a 
waiting game, and no attack was made. Meanwhile General 
Schuyler had been active in the north, but through a con- 
spiracy and the action of an incompetent and prejudiced 
Congress, he was suspended and deprived of his command 
by Gates. 

Profiting by Schuyler's partially accomplished work, 
Gates forced the surrender of Burgoyne; he, however, 
ultimately met with reverses and his own triumph was 
short-lived. When puffed up with ambition he later at- 
tempted not only to undermine and supplant Washington 
with the help of the notorious Conway Cabal, but essayed 
a miUtary role which was a failure, and was subsequently 
ignominiously defeated by Cornwallis. In this connection 
a letter written by General Schuyler to Hamilton throws 
much light upon the disordered state of affairs in the upper 
part of the State of New York. 

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton 

Saeatoga, November 12, 178a. 

My dear Sir: Both your favors of the 17th and 22d I had 
the pleasure to receive about the latter end of the month, 
since which this place has been a scene of Confusion and dis- 
tress, the Inhabitants flying for shelter to the Interior part of 
the state, and the Militia moving up with a tardiness which 
has given me more real Concern than the Enemy's depre- 
dations have done, as It evinces either disaffection in too 



120 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

many, or that they are heartily tired of the Contests. I 
fear there is too much of both, 

I hope General Green will reach Virginia in time to Col- 
lect a body of troops and bring matters into proportion be- 
fore the troops you suspect to be destined from N York for 
Virginia arrive there, as by the affair of the i6th of August 
Gen. Gates has lost the command in that quarter, I Consider 
rather favorable to us, for certain I am that his w^ant of 
abilities would have proved extremely prejudicial to us, I 
sincerely wish he may never command, at any Important 
post. — 

The disaster which the British have experienced in the 
Spanish dominions on this continent will I hope rid Spain 
of her fears and Induce unanimity in the Court of Madrid.* 
A peace at this Juncture between Spain and Britain would 
very Materialy Injure our cause. 

I am exceedingly sorry to find that a certain expedition 
was not agreeable to Count De Rochambeau and the more 
so as I know how Impracticable It is to prosecute one with- 
out the immediate aid of the French troops. I believe the 
Gallic commander has private Instructions to the Contrary, 
otherwise I think he would not forego a command in which 
he would reap many laurels with little trouble, for as to suc- 
cess It appears to me that would have been beyond a doubt. 
— ^The reduction of Canada since the Indians are generally 
become hostile is a matter certainly of the first Importance, 
as we shall have no alternative left in the ensuing Campaign 
but that of abandoning the present frontiers from Virginia 
to New Hampshire Inclusive, or keeping a body of troops for 
their protection equal to the Conquest of Canada. 

I was on the point of commencing my Journey to Hartford 
when the british on Lake Champlain a second time reached 
this quarter, that and their manoeuvre on the Grants pre- 
vented me from prosecuting It, and It is now too late. Mr. 
Benson^ paid me a visit a few days before he set out for 
Hartford. The conversation we had together I hope will 

' The reverses in the West Indies and elsewhere. 
* Egbert Benson. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 121 

tend to public utility. He is strongly Impressed with the 
necessity of Immediately and permanently compleating the 
army, and of another matter which I formerly mentioned to 
you. Both appear to me so necessary that I form no great 
expectations from the first without the latter. 

I have advised the Governor to call the Assembly at any 
early day. I think It of great importance that a final sur- 
render should be made with the people on the Grants. They 
are capable of strengthening the army and aiding In the de- 
fense of the pontoons, and I do not despair of rendering them 
useful in both ways, If I can bring the legislature to adopt my 
Ideas. 

Be assured that we shall be happy to see the Gentlemen 
you mention, and such others as you may bring with you. 

Mrs. Schuyler joins me in the most affectionate wishes. 

Adieu. I am Dear Sir Most Sincerely, 

Your serv. etc. 

^ , Tj M. Ph. Schuyler. 

Colo. Hamilton. 

The "grants" here referred to were those allotted to the 
settlers by Governor Wentworth, the territory being that 
which now forms the States of New Hampshire and Vermont, 
but at that early time was a disputed region not comprised in 
the lands deeded to New York by Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, and lying above the division line. 

Hamilton's duties were most engrossing, and the available 
correspondence that passed between him and his superiors 
and friends makes us wonder that he found time for any 
social distractions whatever. It appears that he was sent 
to meet Rochambeau, and again was despatched to West 
Point to capture Benedict Arnold, while his connection with 
the trial of Major Andre at about the same time shows that 
his billets were numerous and important. However, he 
found suflRcient opportunity to fall in love with Miss Eliza- 
beth Schuyler, who was the second of the General's daugh- 



122 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ters, a girl of about his own age, she having been born 
in 1757. 

In the winter of 1779-80 Washington was for the second 
time encamped at Morristown, under very much better con- 
ditions than when he was there previously, and, thanks to 
the provisions made by Robert Morris and General Schuyler 
and the help afforded by France, the troops were better clad 
and housed, although there was still great destitution and, 
later, great discontent. This, in measure, was due to the 
fact that they had not, for a long time, been paid, and a 
mutinous spirit was engendered which had been taken ad- 
vantage of — without any success, however — by British emis- 
saries. 

In spite of all this, as well as the proximity of the British, 
who came over from Staten Island to Elizabethtown, there 
may be said to have been a breathing spell for the little 
American army. 

Washington and his officers, despite their discomfort and 
sufferings, managed to extract a considerable amount of 
pleasure from life, and there appears to have been a great 
deal of gayety, which was participated in by a merry col- 
lection of young people, among whom were the Frenchmen 
attached to head-quarters. 

Governor William Livingston, who had befriended Ham- 
ilton upon his arrival in America in 1772, occupied his large, 
comfortable house known as Liberty Hall at Elizabethtown, 
which was built in 1776. With him were his pretty daugh- 
ters, one of whom, Sarah, married John Jay, and the young- 
est, Kitty, who was an attached friend of Elizabeth Schuy- 
ler. These charming young women with their neighbors. 
Lady Kitty Stirling and her sister, and Susan Boudinot, vied 
with each other in making the routine life of the young 
army officers more bearable. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 123 

In the neighborhood were the quarters of Generals Greene, 
Knox, PhiHp Schuyler, and Surgeon-General Cochran. 

Routs and balls were common, and the letters of the time 
detail in the quaint style of the period much of the camp 
gossip. The military family, as it was called, of Washing- 
ton planned many entertainments, and the chief spirits were 
Hamilton, Tilghman, and McHenry. 

On March 18, 1780, McHenry wrote to Hamilton, who 
had been sent off to exchange prisoners : 

The family since your departure have given hourly proofs 
of a growing weakness. Example I verily believe is in- 
fectious. For such a predominance is beauty establishing 
over their hearts, that should things continue to wear as sweet 
an aspect as they are now beheld in, I shall be the only per- 
son left, of the whole household, to support the dignity of 
human nature. But in good earnest God bless both you, 
and your weakness, and preserve me your sincere friend. 

The Vicomte de Chastellux,^ afterward marquis, was one 
of the many French noblemen who risked their lives in the 
War of Independence, and have left us unique impressions 
of the men, manners, and customs of that period, and es- 
pecially of the Morristown encampment. 

During the winter of 1780 he took advantage of the lull in 
operations to go on a journey from his post in Rhode Island 
to visit General Washington at his head-quarters in Mor- 
ristown, then to visit General Schuyler at Albany, and to 
inspect the various scenes of the struggles in which he himself 
had not participated. 

Bad weather, still worse roads, the Intense cold, and diffi- 
culties in obtaining shelter for man and beast could not 
dampen his spirits, or lessen his interest in all he heard and 

* " Voyage de M. le Marquis de Chastellux dans TAmerique Scptentrionale," 
Paris, 1788, p. 113, vol. I. 



124 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

saw, and it may be the contrast with the forlorn outer world 
that prompted him to give so vivid a picture of the home 
comforts and pleasant intimacy that he found at Morristown. 

Amongst other delightful comments upon his arrival and 
welcome he describes the first dinner and says: "I adapt 
myself very well to the English toast; one has very small 
glasses — one pours for oneself the quantity of wine desired 
without being urged to take more, and the toast is but a kind 
of refrain to the conversation"; and again: "I observed that 
at dinner the toasts were more ceremonious: some were for 
etiquette, others were suggested by the General and named 
by whichever aide-de-camp was doing the honors; for every 
day one of them sits at the end of the table beside the Gen- 
eral in order to help all the dishes and dole out the bottles; 
now, that night the toasts were called by Colonel Hamilton 
and he gave them just as they occurred to him, haphazard 
and informally, 

"At the end of supper the guests are always asked to give a 
sentiment, that is, any woman to whom they may be attached 
by some sentiment, either love, friendship, or simple prefer- 
ence. This supper or conversation lasts from nine to eleven 
at night, always easy and agreeable." 

Notwithstanding Chastellux's stories of the prodigality of 
Washington's table, and the apparent luxurious mode of life 
during his visit, it may be stated on the authority of Tre- 
velyan that the entire cost of maintaining the Head-quarters' 
Staff, and the obligatory hospitality to outsiders during four 
and one-half months, and of a hungry army for the same 
time, was less than £'^00. 

Washington's head-quarters were in the old Jacob Ford 
place. According to Lossing^ the General and his family 

'" The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution," vol. I, pp. 306-315. N. Y.: 
Harper Bros., 1859. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 125 

occupied the whole of the house except two rooms on the 
eastern side which were reserved for Mrs. Ford and her 
family. Two log additions made to the house were used as 
a kitchen, and as an office for Washington, Tilghman, and 
Hamilton, while near the head-quarters were huts erected for 
the life guard, then commanded by General William Colfax, 
who had succeeded Caleb Gibbs. 

Hamilton's love-making was evidently pursued with the 
same activity as everything else he did, and his addresses, as 
was the fashion of the day, necessitated a vast expenditure of 
paper, ink, and blotting sand; and some of his characteristic 
letters are presented. His attentions to Miss Schuyler met 
with the hearty approval of her father, who wrote to him as 
follows : 

You cannot my dear Sir, be more happy at the connection 
you have made with my family than I am. Until the child 
of a parent has made a judicious choice his heart is in con- 
tinual anxiety; but this anxiety was removed the moment I 
discovered on whom she had placed her affections. I am 
pleased with every instance of delicacy in those who are 
dear to me, and I think I read your soul on that occasion you 
mention. I shall therefore only entreat you to consider me 
as one who wishes in every way to promote your happiness, 
and I shall. 

Shortly after this he wrote to his future mother-in-law the 
following: 

Alexander Hamilton to Mrs. Philip Schuyler 

Madam: The inclosed letter came to hand two days ago, 
and I take the earliest opportunity of forwarding it. I 
cannot forbear indulging my feelings, by entreating you to 
accept the assurances of my gratitude for your kind com- 
pliance with my wishes to be united to your amiable daughter. 
... I leave it to my conduct rather than expressions to 



126 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

testify the sincerity of my affection for her — the respect I 
have for her parents — the desire I shall always feel to justify 
their confidence and merit their friendship. May I hope 
Madam, you will not consider it as mere profession, when I 
add, that though I have not the happiness of a personal ac- 
quaintance with you, I am no stranger to the qualities which 
distinguish your character — and these make the relation in 
which I shall stand to you, not one of the least pleasing cir- 
cumstances of my union with your daughter. My heart an- 
ticipates the sentiment of that relation and wishes to give 
you proof of the respectful and affectionate attachment with 
which I have the honor to be 

Madam 

Yours 

TT 1 A -1 o Alexander Hamilton. 

Hd. qr. April 14. 80. 

But few letters remain which enable us to mark the ad- 
vance of Hamilton's wooing, but a little verse is in my pos- 
session which was found in a tiny bag hanging from his wife's 
neck after her death, and which she had evidently always 
worn, and it was quite probably given to her when they were 
together this winter.^ What is apparently a sonnet was 
written upon a piece of torn and yellow paper, fragments of 
which had been sewn together with ordinary thread. 

ANSWER TO THE INQUIRY WHY I SIGHED 

Before no mortal ever knew 

A love like mine so tender — true — 

Completely wretched — you away — 

And but half blessed e'en while you stay. 

If present love [illegible] face 
Deny you to my fond embrace 
No joy unmixed my bosom warms 
But when my angel's in my arms." 

' 1779-80. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 127 

The letters written to his sweetheart varied much in their 
nature — some were ardent and full of the extravagant lan- 
guage of the time, others were of greater interest to the his- 
torical student of to-day, because in narrative form they gave 
a graphic idea of the happenings at this important period. 
It is impossible to separate them, and, as the dates are some- 
times omitted, identification is difficult. It is hoped, how- 
ever, that their presentation will at least afford some idea 
of what Hamilton felt and did during the time he was paying 
his addresses to Elizabeth Schuyler. 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler 

MoRRisTOWN, July 2, 1780. 

I have been waiting, my love, for an opportunity of 
writing to you but none has offered. I sit down to have a 
line ready for a sudden call which will be enclosed to Col. 
Hay. The enclosed was sent to you at Morristown, but 
missed you, as it contains ideas that often occur to me I send 
it now. Last evening Dr. Cochran delivered me the dear 
lines you wrote me from Nicholsons. I shall impatiently 
long to hear of your arrival at Albany and the state of your 
health. I am perfectly well proof against anything that 
can assail mine. We have no change in our affairs since 
you left us. I should regret the time already lost in inac- 
tivity if it did not bring us nearer to that sweet reunion for 
which we so ardently wish. I never look forward to that 
period without sensations I cannot describe. 

I love you more and more every hour. The sweet softness 
and delicacy of your mind and manners, the elevation of your 
sentiments, the real goodness of your heart — its tenderness 
to me — the beauties of your face and person — your unpre- 
tending good sense and that innocent symplicity and frank- 
ness which pervade your actions, all these appear to me with 
increasing amiableness, and place you in my estimation above 
all the rest of your sex. 



128 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

I entreat you, my charmer, not to neglect the charges I 
gave you, particularly that of taking care of yourself and that 
of employing all your leisure in reading. Nature has been 
very kind to you, do not neglect to cultivate her gifts and to 
enable yourself to make the distinguished figure in all re- 
spects to which you are entitled to aspire. You excel most 
of your sex in all the amiable qualities, endeavor to excel them 
equally in the splendid ones. You can do it if you please, 
and I shall take pride in it, — It will be a fund too to diversify 
our enjoyment and amusements and fill all our moments to 
advantage. 

I have received a letter from Major Laurens soliciting an 
interview, on the Pennsylvania Boundary. The General 
had half consented to its taking place. I hope to be per- 
mitted to meet him, if so I will go to Philadelphia and then 
you may depend, I shall not forget the picture you requested. 
Yours, my angel, with inviolable fidelity — 

Alex. Hamilton. 

July 4- 

It is now the fourth and no opportunity has offered. I 
open my letter just to tell you your Papa has been unwell 
with a touch of the Quinsy, but is now almost perfectly re- 
covered. He hoped to be at Head Quarters today. He is 
eight miles off. I saw him last evening and heard from him 
this morning. I mention this least you should hear of his 
indisposition through an exaggerated channel and be un- 
necessarily alarmed. 

Affectionately present me to your Mamma. 

Adieu my love. 

The engagement of Elizabeth Schuyler certainly created a 
stir among her young friends, and Kitty Livingston, a boon 
companion, in a letter written from Lebanon, June 20, 1780, 
says : *' If you should see the Col. present my compliments and 
tell him I hope to see him on the Banks of Hudson near 
Claremont where Flora shall mix his Laurels with Flowers 
and Pomona heap him with fruit." 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 129 

Hamihon and Elizabeth Schuyler were engaged some 
time during 1779, but were separated for a great part of the 
time, and the courtship was interrupted by long journeys 
undertaken by him, and by the occurrence of important con- 
ferences, or of dramatic events of the most thrilling char- 
acter.^ He had been sent to Perth Amboy to exchange 
prisoners, and undoubtedly the social courtesies for the time 
prevailed. Doubtless many of the English officers who 
toasted Elizabeth Schuyler and her sister had, at an earlier 
period, accepted General Schuyler's hospitality at Albany or 
Saratoga. 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Amboy, Mar. 17, 1780. 
Thursday afternoon. 

My dearest girl: I wrote you a hasty letter two days ago, 
since which I have had the happiness of hearing you were 
well by Colonel Webb,^ and did not forget me when he was 
coming away. Every moment of my stay here becomes more 
and more irksome, but I hope two or three days will put an 
end to it. Colonel Webb tells me you have sent for a car- 
riage to go to Philadelphia. If you should go out before I 
return, have the goodness to leave a line informing me how 
long you expect to be there. I beg, too, you will not suffer 
any considerations respecting me to prevent your going, for 
though it will be a tax upon my love to part with you so long, 
I wish you to see that city before you return. It will afford 
you pleasure and whatever does that will always be most 
agreeable to me, only let me entreat you to endeavor not to 
stay there longer than the amusements of the place interest 
you in complaisance to friends, for you must always re- 
member your best friend is where I am. If possible, and 

* In May, 1780, he wrote: "The day after to-morrow I set out with the General 
^or Hartford to an interview with the French General and Admiral, and we may 
possibly go farther eastward. Colonel Hay will forward your letters to me." 

^ General Samuel Blatchley Webb. 



130 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

you give me your consent, I shall try to make a short visit 
to the city while you are there, but it is very uncertain 
w^hether I shall be able to do it. If I were not afraid of 
making you vain, I would tell you that Mrs. Carter,' P^ggy^ 
and yourself are the daily toast at our table, and for this 
honor you are chiefly indebted to the British gentlemen; 
though, as I am always thinking of you, this naturally brings 
Peggy to my mind, who is generally my toast. Captain 
Beebe^ is here and talks of her sometimes, but I will not give 
my consent to his being her favorite. I do not think him 
clever enough for her. He sings well and that is all. Your 
little Delancey* is not of the party, I am told he is a pretty 
fellow. I have learned a secret by coming down here. Our 
interview is attended with a good deal of sociability and good 
humor, but I begin, notwithstanding, to be tired of our 
British friends. They do their best to be agreeable and are 
particularly civil to me, but, after all, they are a compound 
of grimace and jargon and, out of a certain fashionable rou- 
tine, are as dull and empty .as any gentlemen need to be. 
One of their principal excellencies consists in swallowing a 
large quantity of wine every day, and in this I am so un- 
fortunate that I shall make no sort of figure with them. You 
must not think me prejudiced, for the picture is a true one.^ 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler^ 

September 6, 1780. 

Most people here are groaning under a very disagreeable 
piece of intelligence just come from the southward, that 
Gates has had a total defeat near Camden, in South Caro- 
lina. 

Cornwallis and he met in the night of the fifteenth, by acci- 
dent, marching to the same point. The advanced guards 
skirmished, and the two armies halted and formed till morn- 

' Angelica Church (then Carter). 

^Margaret Schuyler. ^Captain Bezabel Beebe. 

'' Possibly Oliver Delancey, a Tory and British officer. 

* This letter evidently crossed that written by James McHenry, March 18, see p. 1 23. 

«" Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 169. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 131 

ing. In the morning, a battle ensued, in which the miHtia, 
and Gates with them, immediately ran away, and left the 
Continental troops to contend with the enemy's whole force. 

They did it obstinately, and probably are most of them cut 
off. Gates, however, who writes to Congress, seems to know 
very little what has become of his army. He showed that age 
and the long labors and fatigues of a military life had not in 
the least impaired his activity, for in the three days and a 
half he reached Hilleborough, one hundred and eighty miles 
from the scene of action, leaving all his troops to take care of 
themselves, and get out of the scrape as well as they could. 

He has confirmed, in this instance, the opinion I always 
had of him. This event will have very serious consequences 
to the southward. People's imaginations have already given 
up, North Carolina and Virginia; but I do not believe either 
of them will fall. I am certain Virginia cannot. This mis- 
fortune affects me less than others, because it is not in my 
temper to repine at evils that are past, but to endeavor to 
draw good out of them, and because I think our safety de- 
pends on a total change of system, and this change of system 
will only be produced by misfortune. 

A. Hamilton. 

Benedict Arnold, who had married a daughter of Edward 
Shippen, had become involved in debt and led an extrava- 
gant life, in consequence of which he was accused of ques- 
tionable financial operations and "disorderly official con- 
duct." Having been taken to task for this, an aggrieved 
animosity was engendered which led him to revenge himself 
by plotting treason with the enemy, and every one is too fa- 
miliar with his scheme for the betrayal of West Point, his 
utilization of Major Andre, and with the pitiful end of that 
brave and gallant young officer. 

No better account of these happenings can be found than 
in the two following letters written by Hamilton, which 
may be reproduced as examples of the sensible correspon- 



132 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

dence in which Hamilton and Miss Schuyler indulged, and 
showing, as well, that she was quite in sympathy with all 
he did, and quite familiar with his military duties. 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler^ 

September 25, 1780. 

Arnold, hearing of the plot being detected, immediately 
fled to the enemy. I went in pursuit of him, but was much 
too late; and could hardly regret the disappointment, when, 
on my return, I saw an amiable woman, frantic with distress 
for the loss of a husband she tenderly loved; a traitor to 
his Country and to his fame; a disgrace to his connexions; 
it was the most affecting scene I ever was witness to. She, 
for a considerable time, entirely lost herself. The General 
went up to see her, and she upbraided him with being in a 
plot to murder her child. One moment she raved, another 
she melted into tears. Sometimes she pressed her infant to 
her bosom, and lamented its fate, occasioned by the impru- 
dence of its father, in a manner that would have pierced 
insensibility itself. All the sweetness of beauty, all the 
loveliness of innocence, all the tenderness of a wife, and all 
the fondness of a mother, showed themselves in her ap- 
pearance and conduct. We have every reason to believe, 
that she was entirely unacquainted with the plan, and that 
the first knowledge of it, was when Arnold went to tell her 
he must banish himself from his country and from her for- 
ever. She instantly fell into a convulsion, and he left her 
in that situation. 

This morning she is more composed. I paid her a 
visit, and endeavoured to soothe her by every method in 
my power; though you may imagine she is not easily to be 
consoled; added to her other distresses, she is very appre- 
hensive the resentment of her country will fall upon her 
(who is only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband. 

I have tried to persuade her that her fears are ill-founded; 
but she will not be convinced. She received us in bed, 

« " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. i86. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 133 

with every circumstance that would interest our sympathy, 

and her sufferings were so eloquent, that I wished myself 

her brother, to have a right to become her defender. As 

it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give her proofs 

of my friendship. Could I forgive Arnold for sacrificing 

his honour, reputation, and duty, I could not forgive him 

for acting a part that must have forfeited the esteem of so 

fine a woman. At present she almost forgets his crime in 

his misfortunes; and her horror at the guilt of the traitor 

is lost in her love of the man. But a virtuous mind cannot 

long esteem a base one; and time will make her despise if it 

cannot make her hate. » tt 

A. Hamilton. 

Hamilton was probably at New Windsor when the fol- 
lowing letter was written, which, at the time, was occupied 
by the American Army: 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler 

(Written probably in October, 1780.) 

I have told you and I told you truly that I love you too 
much. You engross my thoughts too entirely to allow me 
to think anything else. You not only employ my mind all 
day, but you intrude on my sleep. I meet you in every 
dream and when I wake I cannot close my eyes again for 
ruminating on your sweetness. 'Tis a pretty story indeed 
that I am to be thus monopolized by a little nut brown maid 
like you and from a soldier metamorphosed into a puny lover. 
I believe in my soul you are an enchantress; but I have tried 
in vain, if not to break, at least to weaken the charm and you 
maintain your empire in spite of all my efforts and after every 
new one I make to draw myself from my allegiance, my 
partial heart still returns and clings to you with increased 
attachment. To drop figures my lovely girl, you become 
dearer to me every moment. I am more and more un- 
happy and impatient under the hard necessity that keeps me 
from you, and yet the prospect lengthens as I advance. 



134 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Harrison has just received an account of the death of his 
Father and will be obliged to go to Virginia. Meade's 
affairs (as well as his love) compel him to go there also in a 
little time. There will then remain too few in the family to 
make it possible for me to leave it till Harrison's return, but I 
have told him / will not he delayed beyond November. 

Oct. 5th. 

P. S. I promised you a particular account of Andre. I 
am writing one of the whole affair of which I will send you a 
copy. 

Indeed, my dear Betsey, you do not write me often enough. 
I ought at least to hear from you by every post, and your last 
letter is as old as the middle of September. I have written 
you twice since my return from Hartford.^ You will laugh 
at me for consulting you about such a trifle, but I want to 
know whether you would prefer my receiving the nuptial 
benediction in my uniform or in a different habit. It will 
be just as you please, so consult your whim and what you 
think most consistent with propriety. . . . Tell my Peggy 
I will shortly open a correspondence with her. I am com- 
posing a piece, of which, from the opinion I have of her 
qualifications, I shall endeavor to prevail upon her to act 
the principal character. The title is "The way to get him, 
for the benefit of all single ladies who desire to be married." 
You will ask her if she has any objections to taking part in 
the piece and tell her that if I am not much mistaken in her, I 
am sure she will have none. For your own part, your busi- 
ness is now to study the way to keep him, which is said to 
be much the most difficult task of the two, though in your 
case I thoroughly believe it will be an easy one and that 
to succeed effectually you will only have to wish it sincerely. 
May I only be as successful in pleasing you, and may you 
be as happy as I shall ever wish to make you. 

* Where he had gone to meet Rochambeau on September 21, 1780. 

















MAJOR ANDRE 





COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 



135 



Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Schuyler^ 

Tappan, Oct. 2d, 1780. 

Poor Andre suffers today. Everything that is amiable 
in virtue, in fortitude, in deHcate sentiment, and accom- 
plished manners, pleads for him; but hard-hearted policy 
calls for a sacrifice. He must die. — I send you my account 
of Arnold's affair; and to justify myself to your sentiments, 
I must inform you, that I urged a compliance with Andre's 
request to be shot; and I do not think it would have had 
an ill-effect; but some people are only sensible to motives 
of policy, and sometimes, from a narrow disposition, mis- 
take it. 

When Andre's tale comes to be told, and present resent- 
ment is over; the refusing him the privilege of choosing the 
manner of his death will be branded with too much ob- 
stinacy. 

It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea of an 
exchange for Arnold; but I knew I should have forfeited 
his esteem by doing it, and therefore declined it. As a 
man of honour he could not but reject it; and I would not 
' for the world have proposed to him a thing which must have 
f placed me 4n the unamiable light of supposing him capable 
of meanness, or of not feeling myself the impropriety of the 
measure. I confess to you, I had the weakness to value 
the esteem of a dying man, because I reverenced his merit. 

A. Hamilton. 

There is some doubt about the date of the marriage, the 
general opinion being that it occurred in December, 1780. 

No better place could have been chosen for this happy 
event than the grand old house of General Schuyler, built 
in 1765, which has been so well pictured by Chastellux 
and which has been the scene of so many interesting epi- 
sodes, among them the famous attempt to kidnap its 

' " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 187. 



136 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

owner by Waltermeyer — and the dramatic escape of his 
daughter Margaret from the savages, to which reference 
has already been made. It was during the Revolution, 
and before, visited by many distinguished people, among 
them Benjamin Franklin, Charles Carroll, de Noailles, 
General St. Clair, Baron Riedesel, and even Burgoyne, 
who enthusiastically described the generous hospitality of 
its owner. 

But little remains of its former elegance for, like many old 
places, it has suffered through the ravages of time, or been 
encroached upon by a growing city, or has been so altered as 
to lose its characteristic charm of former days. There is 
little to carry one back to the joyous happenings that took 
place within its walls during the American Revolution; it is 
at present occupied by Sisters of Charity, orphans, and the 
poor children of the neighborhood. 

The house, which is now occupied as a Catholic school, 
and surrounded by a squalid tenement settlement, retains 
much of its original attractiveness. ... It is built of yellow 
brick. On each side of the hexagonal vestibule are three 
windows; above these are seven windows, measuring the 
unusual breadth of the house. 

Within is a spacious hall sixty feet long, to which the 
windows on each side of the door give light. It is a noble 
room, wainscotted in white. Doors lead on one side into 
the sitting-room, on the other into the drawing-room, 
splendidly lighted, with deep window-seats and broad 
mantels handsomely carved. . . . 

The main hall is divided from the back hall, which is 
divided by a fine old colonial door, with fan and side lights 
enriched by delicate tracery, and making an attractive 
feature of the larger hall. The back hall receives the 
staircase, not more remarkable for its historic incidents 
than for the beautiful sweep of its lines, and the fine carv- 
ing of its splendid balustrade. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 137 

Behind the sitting-room is the dining-room, the scene of 
forty years of generous hospitality. On the other side the 
drawing-room leads into a private hall and a room, . . . 
that was used as a nursery. Behind this was the library. 
Here there is the story of a bricked-up enclosure which 
formerly led to a subterranean passage in connection with 
the river, to be used in case of surprise. The staircase 
leads to the upper hall. . . . This was used as a ballroom, 
and on either side are the chambers, in which cluster so 
many historic reminiscences.^ 

McHenry, then a member of Washington's staff, went 
to Albany for Hamilton's wedding and wrote these verses, 
which he subsequently sent to his friend, Otho Williams, 
on the morning after :^ 

'Tis told, my friend, in poets lore. 

The muse has an exhaustless store 

From which she draws with wond'rous skill 

Of choicest fancies what she will. 

With these she decks the heroes' hearse. 

Or forms with these immortal verse. 

Last night I sought her dear retreat 

And laid me at the fair one's feet. 

She knew my errand, sway'd her wand, 

Then pointed to a rising stand, 

From whence the fairy world was seen 

And you embosomed with your Queen. 

(As thus ye lay the happiest pair 

A rosy scent enriched the air 

While to a music softly sounding 

Breathing, panting, slow, rebounding) 

Love arose with pow'rful spell, 

Hence, he cried, to dismal dell 

Imps who haunt the gloomy breast 

Ever jealous — never blest; 

* " Women of Colonial and Revolutionary Times, " p. 66, by Mary Gay Hum- 
phreys. ^ Op. cit., p. 29. 



138 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

This is ground for holy feet 

Here the sports and pleasure meet. 

Then in whispers caught the ear 

What the gifted only hear. 

"Chains of Priests or modes of art 

"Weakly hold the human heart, 

"Hence my Eloisa said 

"Give me those that love has made.'* 

Now his fluttering wings outspread 

Three times he bless'd the bridal bed, 

While o'er it Faith her mantle threw 

And said small care would keep it new. 

Last Prudence came, in sober guise 

With Pilgrim's pace, and wisdom's eyes; 

Forth from his stole a tablet took 

Which you received with thankful look. 

Genius had deeply mark'd the ground, 

And Plutus finely edg'd it round, 

This done, he bade you long improve 

In all the sweets of mutui^l love. 

And now would friendshij^'s voice prevail 

To point the moral of the tale. 

Know then, dear Harris a truth confest 

Soon beauty fades, and love's a guest. 

Love has not settled place on earth; 

A very wan'rer from his birth; 

And yet who happiness would prove. 

Like you must build his hopes on love, 

When love his choicest gifts has giv'n 

He flies to make another heav'n; 

But as he wheels his rapid flight 

Calm joys succeed and pure delight. 

Faith adds to all; for works we're told 

Is Love's alloy, and faith the gold. 

Now genius plays the lover's part; 
Now wakes to many a throb the heart; 
With ev'ry sun brings something new. 
And gaily varies every view; 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 139 

Whilst Prudence all his succour lends 

To mark the point where pleasure ends. 

For, borne beyond a certain goal, 

The sweetest joys disgust the soul. 

He too instructs us how to use, 

What's more a blessing than the muse (wealth) : 

For well he knows, deprived of this 

That toil and care is human bliss. 

All these attendants Ham are thine, 
Be't yours to treat them as divine; 
To cherish what keeps love alive; 
What makes us young at sixty-five. 
What lends the eye its earliest fires; 
What rightly managed still inspires. 

To which Hamilton answered: 

I thank you Dear Mac for your poetry and your confi- 
dence. The piece is a good one — ^your best. It has wit, 
which you know is a rare thing. I see by perseverence 
all ladies may be won. The Muses begin to be civil to 
you, in spite of Apollo and my prognosis. 

You know I have often told you, you wrote prose well 
but had no genius for poetry. I retract. Adieu. 

A. Hamilton. 

Sep. 12.* (1780) 

Hamilton certainly benefited by his marriage and by his 
connection with a powerful family with far-reaching in- 
fluence, and one having so much to do with the early his- 
tory of the country. As Oliver intimates, Hamilton was 
too proud and independent in regard to money matters 
to accept any aid from his father-in-law, and it does not 
appear that any financial assistance was ever offered him. 

' This date is probably an error in the transcription of the original letter, for 
Hamilton's letters and available and satisfactory data fix the day as December 20, 
1780. 



I40 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Even after his death and when his poverty became known 
Mrs. Hamilton, who was sensitive to a degree, indignantly 
denied a story that she was in possession of six thousand 
dollars, given to her by her father some time before, and 
wrote to one of her brothers: 

" Let me assure you it is an untruth. It has given me 
some pain that I should be held up to the public in so un- 
favorable a point of view as on the one hand to request 
you to make provision for me, by some arrangement, and 
on the other, (as it is said) to be so amply provided for by 
my father. What but ill intent toward me could have been 
the motive to have given such an idea to the world and to my 
sisters and brothers .f* But this world is a world of evil pas- 
sions, and I thank my God He strengthens my mind to look 
on them as steps to an entire resignation to His will, which 
I pray may fast approach me, and in that fullness of grace 
which may be pleasing in His sight. Oh! my brother, 
may my sighing and sorrowing be seen by Him who tem- 
pers the wind to the shorn lamb — shorn, indeed, to the 
quick." She continues: "My friend here has taken the 
necessary steps towards bending the public mind from this 
ill impression and he is very much gratified by your correct, 
liberal and affectionate conduct to me." 

It is true that General Schuyler at all times sent to the 
young pair prodigal gifts and supplies from the Albany 
homestead, and when the Grange was built some years 
later, supplied Hamilton with most of the lumber. Like 
most patriots Schuyler was not really well-to-do, although 
he owned a great deal of land which, in those days, was not 
worth much, and some of it was rented by small farmers 
for trifling sums. His contributions to the cause of inde- 
pendence were very large, however, and at one time, at the 
request of Robert Morris, he sent to the destitute army a 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 141 

thousand barrels of flour, with Httle or no assurance that he 
would be repaid. 

Through the peculiar position of his property and the 
fact that it appeared to be open to the attacks of maraud- 
ing forces, he suffered immense losses during the early 
part of the war. Not only did the cannon of Burgoyne 
wreck and set on fire his great house at Saratoga, but to 
prevent their crops from falling into the hands of the enemy 
his wife, Catherine Schuyler, applied the torch to the ripen- 
ing grain. There was, however, not only enough left to 
shower hospitality upon the many distinguished strangers 
who were always welcome, but in material ways to add 
to the comfort of his many children. 

Hamilton's honeymoon was a short one, and during the 
early months of 1781 he was not only busy with military 
affairs, but prepared his second memorandum upon the 
establishment of a national bank, which was sent to Robert 
Morris. He was then but twenty-four. In May, with 
Washington and others, he again met Rochambeau at Hart- 
ford, and with de Ternay, the commandant of the French 
fleet, made arrangements for a joint campaign. De Grasse, 
in command of the squadron then in the West Indies, was 
to proceed toward the north, which he later did, 

Hamilton during the summer had gone South to crown 
his military career, taking part in the investment of York- 
town, and the attack which led to the surrender of Corn- 
wallis. 

His letters to his wife, at this time, detail his plans and the 
operations of the army. 



142 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton^ 

August, 1 78 1. 

In my last letter I informed you that there was a greater 
prospect of activity now, than there had been heretofore. 
I did this to prepare your mind for an event which, I am 
sure, will give you pain. I begged your father, at the same 
time, to intimate to you, by degrees, the probability of its 
taking place. 

A part of the army, my dear girl, is going to Virginia, 
and I must, of necessity, be separated at a much greater 
distance from my beloved wife. I cannot announce the 
fatal necessity, without feeling everything that a fond hus- 
band can feel. I am unhappy. I am unhappy beyond 
expression. I am unhappy, because I am to be so remote 
from you; because I am to hear from you less frequently 
than I am accustomed to do. I am miserable, because I 
know you will be so; I am wretched at the idea of flying so 
far from you, without a single hour's interview, to tell you 
all my pains and all my love. But I cannot ask permis- 
sion to visit you. It might be thought improper to leave 
my corps at such a time, and upon such an occasion. I 
must go without seeing you — I must go without embracing 
you; — alas! I must go. But let no idea, other than of the 
distance we shall be asunder disquiet you. Though I said 
the prospects of activity will be greater, I said it to give 
your expectations a different turn, and prepare you for some- 
thing disagreeable. It is ten to one that our views will be 
disappointed, by Cornwallis retiring to South Carolina by 
land. At all events, our operations will be over by the latter 
end of October, and I will fly to my home. Don't mention 
I am going to Virginia. 

» " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 268. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 143 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton^ 

Head of Elk, September 6, 1781. 
_ Yesterday, my lovely wife, I wrote to you, inclosing 
you a letter in one to your father, to the care of Mr. Morris. 
Tomorrow the post sets out, and tomorrow we embark for 
Yorktown. I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of writing 
you a few lines. Constantly uppermost in my thoughts and 
affections, I am happy only when my moments are devoted 
to some office that respects you. I would give the world to 
be able to tell you all I feel and all I wish, but consult your 
own heart and you will know mine. What a world will 
soon be between us! To support the idea, all my fortitude 
is insufficient. What must be the case with you, who have 
the most female of female hearts .? I sink at the perspec- 
tive of your distress, and I look to heaven to be your guard- 
ian and supporter. 

Circumstances that have just come to my knowledge, 
assure me that our operations will be expeditious, as well 
as our success certain. Early in November, as I prom- 
ised you, we shall certainly meet. Cheer yourself with this 
idea, and with the assurance of never more being separated. 

Every day confirms me in the intention of renouncing 
public life, and devoting myself wholly to you. Let others 
waste their time and their tranquilhty in a vain pursuit of 
power and glory; be it my object to be happy in a quiet 

retreat with my better angel. » tt 

■> ^ A. Hamilton. 

Shortly before the end of the war he wrote this letter: 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton^ 

Philadelphia, July 22, 1783. 
I wrote you, my beloved Eliza, by the last post, which I 
hope will not meet with the fate that many others of my 
letters must have met with. I count upon setting out to 

>" Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 269. 
^ Ibid., vol. I, p. 396. 



144 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

see you in four days; but I have been so frequently dis- 
appointed by unforeseen events, that I shall not be with- 
out apprehensions of being detained, till I have begun my 
journey. 

The members of Congress are very pressing with me not 
to go away at this time, as the House is thin, and as the 
definitive treaty is momently expected. 

Tell your father that Mr. Rivington, in a letter to the 
South Carolina delegates, had given information, coming 
to him from Admiral Arbuthnot that the Mercury frigate 
is arrived at New York with the definitive treaty, and that 
the city was to be evacuated yesterday, by the treaty. I 
am strongly urged to stay a few days for the ratification of 
the treaty; at all events, however, I will not be long absent. 

I give you joy of the happy conclusion of this important 

work in which your country has been engaged. Now, in 

a very short time, I hope we shall be happily settled in 

New York. My love to your father. 

Kiss my boy a thousand times. . tt 

^ ^ A. Hamilton. 

Before this Hamilton had left the army and had gone to 
Albany to study law — and on August 1 1 his friend, McHenry, 
wrote : 

J ames McHenry to Alexander H amilton^ 

If you are not in the humor to read a long letter, do, 
prithee, give this to the child to play with and go on with 
your amusement of rocking the cradle.^ To be serious, 
my dear Hamilton, I have been thinking of late upon my 
own situation and this led me as often to think of yours. 
Some men, I observe, are so born & tempered, that it is 
not till after long bustling & battling it in the world (and 
some scarcely then) that they come to learn a little prudence. 
Much I begin to suspect that you & I want a great deal of 
this quality to bring us on a level with our neighbors and 
to carry us cheerfully through life. Have we not both of 

' op. cit., p. 43. 

^ See Hamilton's Letter to Lafayette, Nov. 3, 1782. 




DR. JAMES McHEXRY 

From an engraved portrait by St. Memin 

By permission of Burrows Bros. & Co. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 145 

us continued long enough in the service of the pubHc ? 
Should not I exercise my profession or some profitable 
business & should not you, putting off the politician, exert 
yourself only to acquire a profession ? I find that to be 
dependent on a father is irksome, because I feel that it is in 
my power to be independent by my own endeavours. I see 
that the good things of this world are all to be purchased 
with money and that the man who has money may be what- 
ever he pleases. 

Hamilton, there are two lawyers in this Town, one of 
which has served the pubHc in the General Assembly for 
three years with reputation, and to the neglect of his prac- 
tice. The other has done nothing but attend to his pro- 
fession, by which he has acquired a handsome competency. 
Now the people have taken it into their heads to displace 
the lawyer which has served them till he is become poor, 
in order to put in his stead the lawyer who has served him- 
self & become rich. Let me add to this anecdote a bon 
mot of our friend Fleury's. Talking to me the other day. 
"You are a senator," said he, "pray what is your salary." 
I told him it might perhaps defray about two thirds of our 
expenses while attending the Senate, and that we were only 
paid during our attendance, provided one was unmarried 
& lived frugally. "Then," said he, "I pity Maryland, 
for her Senate must be composed chiefly of rich fools." 
What is the moral of all this, my dear friend, but that it is 
high time for you and I to set about in good earnest, doing 
something for ourselves. 

I hear you are chosen a delegate to Congress. Will 
you forgive me for saying that I would rather have heard 
that you had not been chosen. If you accept of the office, 
there is a stop to any further study of the law, which I am 
desirous you should finish, because a few years practice at 
the bar would make you independent, and do you more 
substantial good than all the fugitive honors of Congress. 
This would put it in your power to obtain them and to hold 
them with more certainty, should you still be inclined to 
risque in a troubled sea. The moment you cease to be a 



146 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

candidate for public places, the people will lament your 
loss and wait with impatience till they can persuade a man 
of your abilities to serve them. In the mean time, you will 
be doing justice to your family. Besides, you know that 
there is nothing at present to be had worthy your acceptance. 
The negotiators for peace have been long since appointed. 
The great departments of Government are all filled up. 
Our foreign ministers sit firm in their seats. It is not to be 
expected that any new ministers will be created before a 
peace. And when this comes, be assured, long residence and 
large possessions in this country will prelude superior merits. 

I wish, therefore, my dear friend that I could prevail 
upon you to avoid a disappointment & a loss which I think 
I foresee. For, should you go to Congress, you will lose 
another year of time that is become more precious than ever 
and retire, perhaps in disgust, to renew your studies and to 
those domestic endearments which you will regret to have 
forsaken. How would it vex me to learn that you had ex- 
claimed in the stile of an English cardinal — If I had best 
served my family as faithfully as I have the public, my 
affairs would have been today in a very different order. 

It appears to n.^e, Hamilton, to be no longer either neces- 
sary or a duty, for you and I to go on to sacrifice the small 
remnant of time that is left us. We have already inimo- 
lated largely on the altar of liberty. At present, our coun- 
try neither wants our services in the field or the cabinet, so 
that it is incumbent upon us to be useful in anbther line. 
By pushing your studies to a conclusion, you at once perfect 
your happiness. But, I wonder, nor recollect, whilst my 
own life runs on in idleness and small follies that I stand 
in most need of the advice which I am presuming to offer. 
You have a wife and an increasing offspring to jurge you 
forward, but I am without either — without your incitements 
to begin a reform or your perseverance to succeed. Write 
me, then, what you are doing — What you have done and 
what you intend to do, that I may endeavor to follow your 
example. And be full, for I really intend to be wise and 
you shall be my Apollo. 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 147 

J have been a second time on the point of gaining im- 
mortaHty by a fever. It seized me a Httle after the arrival 
of the French troops here and has only permitted me to 
come abroad a few days since Mrs. Carter^ & Miss Peggy^ 
are with us and of course you will think I have been often 
with them. But I must tell you something of your relations. 
Mr. Carter is the mere man of business and I am informed 
has riches enough, with common management, to make the 
longest life very comfortable. Mrs. Carter is a fine woman. 
She charms in all companies. No one has seen her, of 
either sex, who has not been pleased with her, and she 
pleased every one, chiefly, by means of those qualities which 
made you the husband of her sister. Peggy, though per- 
haps a finer woman, is not generally thought so. Her own 
sex are apprehensive that she considered them poor things, 
as Swift's Vanessa did, and they, in return, do not scruple 
to be displeased. In short, Peggy, to be admired as she 
ought, has only to please the men less and the ladies more. 
Tell her so. I am sure her good sence will soon place her 
in her proper station. 

My dear Hamilton, adieu. Remember a man who lives 
in this world, without being satisfied with -t. Who strives 
to seem happy among a people who cannot inspire happi- 
ness, but who thinks it unbecoming the dignity of man to 
leave his part, merely because it does not please him. I 
am melanchoUy you perceive. This plaguy fever has torn 
me to pieces and my mind yet shares in the weakness of 
my body. But I will recover spirits, as I recover strength. 
In the meanwhile do not fail to write me. Again my friend 

and philosopher adieu. t -x/t u 

^ ^ James McHenry. 

It is somewhat interesting to note, despite McHenry's 
warning, that Hamilton not only entered public life, but 
at the same time made a success at the bar. 

'Mrs. "Carter" was Mrs. John Barker Church, born Angelica Schuyler and 
sister of Mrs. Ale.xander Hamilton. During the Revolution her husband was 
known as Carter. 

* Margaret Schuyler, married Stephen van Rensselaer. 



CHAPTER \T 

HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 

Hamilton's choice of a profession was made even before 
the end of the war, for in his well-known letter to General 
Schuyler, written February i8, 1781, in which he recounted 
his quarrel with Washington and his future prospects, he 
said: "If a handsome command in the campaign in the light 
infantry should offer itself, I shall balance between this and 
the artillery. J\ly situation in the latter would be more solid 
and permanent, but as I hope the war will not last long 
enough to make it progressive, this consideration has less 
force. A command for the campaign would leave me the 
winter to prosecute my studies relative to my future career in 
life." Although it has been stated that after he went to 
Albany to prepare himself, in 1782, he was admitted to the 
bar after less than five months' study, there are those who 
believe that he had, for many years, been accumulating a 
knowledge of the law, for he could not have accomplished 
what he did in so short a space of time. Certainly the early 
literary work in which he engaged, which was called forth 
by Seabury's Tory pamphlets, indicated a trained and logi- 
cal mind. Estabrook, who has written an exceedingly in- 
teresting paper, said that Hamilton not only argued like a 
lawyer, but displayed the knowledge and habits of a lawyer, 
even as far back as 1774; and his two papers to which ref- 
erence has been made, namely, '*A Full Vindication," and 

"The Farmer Refuted," bore intrinsic evidences of a famil- 

148 



HAMILTON, Tin-: LAWTER 149 

larity with the law and the authorities of the time, and a 
capacity for logical deduction quite beyond his years. 

While his genius was everywhere apparent, the trend 
of his mind was always analytical, and his systematic habits 
of thought and argument served him in good stead, not 
only in his chosen calling, but later in the conduct of public 
affairs. Certainly the observations of De Tocqueville as to 
the value of legal training as the requirement of a states- 
man had, in this case, ample proof and illustration. He 
entered into his new calling with enthusiasm, and although 
it did not receive his undivided attention, for he was, at 
the same time, devoting his energies to the construction of 
the American Constitution, he no doubt had enough lucra- 
tive work to do when he left Albany and opened his office at 
No. 57 Wall Street. 

About this time he wrote to Lafayette: 

Albaxy, Ncrvember 3, 1782.' 

I have been employed for the last ten months in rocking 
the cradle and studying the art of fleecing my neighbors. 
I am now a grave counsellor-at-Iaw, and shall soon be a 
grave member of Congress. The Legislature, at their last 
session, took it into their heads to name me, pretty unani- 
mously, as one of their delegates. 

I am going to throw away a few months more in public 
life, and then retire a simple citizen and good paterfamilias. 
1 set out for Philadelphia in a few days. You see the dis- 
position I am in. You are condemned to run the race of 
ambition all your life. I am already tired of the career, 
and dare to leave it. 

With his partner, Balthazar De Heart, his services were 
now everywhere in demand. Naturally, many of his cases 
were connected with the claims of those people who had suf- 

• " Hamnton's Works" (J. C. H.), voL I, p. 320. 



150 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

fered by the war, and whose property had been taken from 
them by order of Governor Tryon and other Tories. Among 
these were claims for damages arising from the seizure of cat- 
tle on Long Island, and actions growing out of the trespass 
law. Again we find that he appeared as counsel in the will 
cases of Dr. Peter Middleton, Philip Livingston, and Henry 
Beekman. 

Suits for reprisal and claims for damages engaged his 
attention, and the papers he left, throw much light upon 
matters connected with the American Revolution, and the 
unsettled period at its conclusion. It would appear that 
in those days petty political officers were not above re- 
course to extortion and graft, which at times since, has 
distinguished the municipal affairs of the city of New 
York. We find that during the early part of the Revolu- 
tion, when the statue of George III was torn down and 
demolished, and the types of Printer Rivington distributed 
and condemned for the purpose of making bullets, there 
was a general levy upon the citizens of New York for the 
lead in the window-sashes throughout the city for the same 
purpose, and that subsequently, when restitution was de- 
manded for this form of contribution, it was the custom 
for the representative of the auditor to mulct the com- 
plainant nine shillings for a certificate showing the validity 
of the claim. One Peter R. Fell employed Hamilton as 
his counsel to prepare a memorial to the Assembly of the 
State of New York, in which he urged his grievances. In 
this he stated that he was one of those from whose windows 
leads were taken by order of the Convention at the com- 
mencement of the late war; that soon after the last sitting 
of the legislature it was learned that one Daniel Dunscomb 
was ordered to render an account to the auditor of the leads 
so taken; that Fell requested Dunscomb to give a certificate 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 151 

to this effect, but the latter exacted nine shilHngs therefor 
from the messenger, although he, Dunscomb, had been 
allowed twenty pounds by the auditor as full compensa- 
tion for his services. He naturally complained that "as 
leads were taken from one thousand houses in the city, 
the exaction of nine shillings is a species of petty extor- 
tion, highly censurable, and unbecoming the publick confi- 
dence." 

The members of the rich Livingston family, whose hold- 
ings of land were enormous, were much in the courts, and 
when Robert, the first proprietor of the lordship or manor, 
died, his sons Robert, Philip, and Gilbert indulged in 
acrimonious litigation which was carried on for a few years. 
An action brought by Philip against his neighbor Robert, 
the Chancellor, was one of the most important, and John 
Morin Scott was the attorney of record, and Hamilton was 
retained as counsel. This was on April 24, 1783, and con- 
cerned the establishment of a grist-mill on the stream known 
as RoelofF Jansen Kill, which emptied into the Hudson 
River. Another case was that of Livingston vs. Hoffman, 
for trespass, in which Hamilton appeared for the defence. 
These cases in the early days were usually ill-founded, 
and as a rule advantage was taken of the fact that the party 
of one side or the other had taken sides with the enemy and 
forfeited his rights. 

The feeling against the Tories who had taken possession 
of the houses of the patriots who were obliged to flee during 
the occupation of New York by the British, was so intense 
as to lead to the passage of the celebrated trespass law, 
which was framed in the interests of the patriots, but was 
in direct conflict with the provisions of the treaty made 
with Great Britain, which expressly provided for the rights 
of Tories after the declaration of peace. Although a wave 



152 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

of intolerance swept over the State, and the persecution 
of those who had not taken active sides with the rebelhous 
colonists was general, Hamilton, in 1783, appeared in behalf 
of a Tory tenant named Waddington, who had been sued by 
a Mrs. Elizabeth Rutgers, thereby making himself exceed- 
ingly unpopular. Considerable sympathy was felt for the 
plaintiff in this case, who was supposed to be a poor and 
helpless widow, but an inspection of the papers would go to 
show that she could drive a sharp bargain, and the sympathy 
extended to her was certainly misplaced. 

In 1778 the premises, which consisted of a brewery and 
malt-house in Maiden Lane, were rented to Benjamin Wad- 
dington & Co., who found them in very bad order, "and 
stripped of everything of any value except an old Copper, 
two old Pumps and a leaden Cistern full of holes.'* Before 
the new tenant could begin to brew ^^700 were spent in 
repairs. From the ist of May, 1780, to the ist of May, 
1783, the Waddingtons had paid a rent of ;^I50 per an- 
num for the same to John Smyth, Esq., a Tory, in conse- 
quence of an order from General Robertson, the British 
commander. 

On the 20th of June, 1783, after the return of the Ameri- 
can forces they received an order from General Birch, the 
commandant of the city, to pay the rent from the ist of 
May preceding to the son of Mrs. Rutgers. After this 
the troubles of the Waddingtons began. They were quite 
ready to pay her, but her representative demanded back 
rent, and would not adjust matters in any other way, or 
take into account the improvements made by the tenants. 
The demands of Mrs. Rutgers finally became so exorbitant 
that Waddington & Co. refused to pay at all, and to add to 
their difficulties the brew-house was, about this time, burned 
to the ground, entailing upon them a loss of ^4,000. At 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 153 

the time of the fire they were not in possession of the 
premises, having surrendered the key to the owner. It 
was then that the Widow Rutgers found many friends and 
sympathizers who urged her to avail herself of the new 
law, and she brought a suit, engaging John Laurance 
as her lawyer, and an action was brought in the mayor's 
court. 

I am in possession of Hamilton's original argument in 
thi« proceeding, which comprises nineteen pages of closely 
written foolscap, and in which we find everywhere evidenced 
much labor and thought.^ Although this brief has been 
elsewhere quoted, reference may be made to his conten- 
tion that this was a national and not a local issue, 
and that the recent law then passed by the State of New 
York could have no force against the law of the nation, 
which w^as common law; in other words, the State of New 
York had no common law of nations. In fact, it was the 
strongest plea for Federalism that came from him in the 
whole course of his career, for he insisted that the law of 
each State must adopt the laws of Congress, and that though 
in relation to its own citizens local laws might govern, yet 
in relation to foreigners those of the United States must 
prevail. "It must be conceded that the legislature of one 
State cannot repeal the law of the United States — all must 
be construed to stand together." 

It was only after a vigorous fight, in the face of general 
opposition and disorderly expressions of public sympathy, 
that Hamilton convinced the judges by his incontrovertible 
demonstration of the law itself, that he was in the right, 
when they rendered a judgment in his favor. 

Not only after this was he besieged by many clients with 
similar cases, but he appeared in behalf of patriot house- 

* Appendix H. 



154 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

holders who had been imposed upon by tenants who had 
improp<erly taken advantage of the trespass law. 

One of these cases was that of Alexander McDougall 
vs. Catharine Leonard, the husband of the latter being a 
notorious Tory who had taken up arms with the British and 
had gone to Newburg, where he stayed nutil the end of 
the war. McDougall, it will be remembered, was, with 
Isaac Sears, John Morin Scott, and others, one of the 
original "Sons of Liberty," who precipitated the Revolu- 
tion in New York City by the destruction of British prop- 
erty and resistance to the tax law. McDougall afterward 
became a brigadier-general in the American forces. 

Mrs. Leonard appears to have been remiss in the pay- 
ment of her rent for the premises 75 Beekman Street, 
even after the conclusion of the Revolution, and in a letter 
to her McDougall says: "I do not wish to have any dis- 
pute with a woman, or I should not have had the For- 
bearance to you which I have exercised, nor taken the 
trouble of writing this. — I now expect to have the Bal- 
lance from you by Thursday, two o'Clocke, or I shall be 
under the disagreeable Necessity of Sending for it by 
Another. " 

In the early part of Hamilton's career his associates at the 
bar were his intimate friends, and these included Brockholst 
Livingston, the son of the Governor of New Jersey and an 
early schoolmate at the academy at Elizabethtown, Richard 
Harrison, Robert Troup, Colonel Varick, Burr, and Laurance, 
An inspection of the many musty law papers that have 
come into the writer's possession suggests the great va- 
riety of the forms of action in which he was engaged, as in 
those days there was no specialization, and Hamilton ap- 
peared as often in the mayor's court as in the higher ones of 
the State, and did both civil and criminal work. He even 



# 



',* 













FAC-SIMILE OF HAMILTON'S BRIEF IN THE TRESPASS CASE 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 155 

tried a rape case/ as well as others for assault and murder, 
but his fondness was, evidently, for civil proceedings. 

His clients were not always reasonable or patient, although 
the unreasonable ones were in the minority. One of the 
latter appears to have been Stephen Delancey, the son of 
James, who, in the language of the day, was a Tory and so 
"attainted" that his property was seized by the Americans. 
Stephen owned a large tract of land in Westchester County, 
and had many tenants who gave him a great deal of trouble, 
among them the "Delivans," and "Baileys," for whom he 
engaged Hamilton to issue writs. Impatient at the latter's 
alleged neglect of his affairs and supposed inaction he wrote 
from Scarsdale, New York, September 12, 1785: "I could 
wait no longer in New York at an expence to see you as 
you was gone to Court on Thursday morning and when 
to see you I knew not, if I had stay'd I have to lay out about 
30V on this Journey and I find money so scarce to be had, 
that I must insist on y^ moneys being Refunded to me. 
I beg you to Inform me what method I am to pursue with 
my wicked tenants in Distraining for Rent of them." 

Another gentleman, who had repeatedly urged Hamil- 
ton to collect a certain indebtedness for him, remarked 

that "Mr. W has certainly received money, but what 

sum, is in the womb of Time to Discover." 

Others were more considerate and appreciative of Ham- 
ilton's busy life, and the limited amount of time at his dis- 
posal. 

J. Campbell wrote (1786): "May I hope forgiveness for 

* This case was that of Russell vs. Murphy, and Hamilton represented Murphy, 
who was accused, on the fourth day of December, 1785, of having in the East Ward 
of the city of New York, "with force and Arms to wit with Sword and Stones and 
Knives made an Assault on her, the said Margaret Russell, with intent her the said 
Margaret, an infant as aforesaid to Ravish and Deflour, and her the said Margaret 
then and there beat, wounded and evilly treated so that her life was greatly de- 
spaired of and other enormities." 



156 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

encroaching on your goodness. It is that Goodness which 
is the Source of all the trouble I have given you, and ex- 
tended to me the flatering hopes of Acess to your future 
Advice and Assistance, uppon that I plead for the honour 
of seeing you in the Course of this day." 

A consideration of the various appeals to him shows how 
greatly his opinion was respected. Some of them are very 
naive and simple, but all attest the confidence of the writers 
who desired his professional help at the time.^ 

Nathaniel Ruggles wrote, in 1795: "I would Inform you 
that I have Business of Consequence Likely to Commence 
& Wish you to engage for Me as my Attorney in A Case 
of Fraud which is much Approbated in my Favour by the 
Principle gentlemen of this Place. I Have not Any Fee 
at Present to Advance Though I have Property. Sir, I 
Humbly Request You would not take A Fee Against me." 
George Pollock sought to retain him in January, 1795, in 
another case. Hamilton's endorsement on the paper is as 
follows: "I am not sure that I could with propriety. Will 
decide in June. Will not be concerned against him." 
Richard Piatt, in April 26, 1796, wrote to him about an im- 
pending case and said: ''The amount of the Debt is too 
triffling to ask any interposition of you as Counsel on the 
Defendant's side, but the Consequences of its posible result 
may involve a Question of the first magnitude to all persons 
in future subject to prosecution for Debt when and where 
the hearts of Creditors (as is well known to be too frequently 
the case) are instigated by the Devil. Thus situated and 
well knowing there is a susceptibility for the Verdict of 

" ^ He gave time and money with a lavish hand to all who sought his aid," says 
Lodge. This is borne out by his books which are full of loans, but the credit side 
of the ledger is usually empty. The only return in a good many entries of sums 
of money lent, is a barrel of hams that were intended to discharge an indebtedness 
of six pounds. 



HAMILTOX, THE LAWYER 157 

Renown, it is, that I wish your Union with Troup & Brock- 
hoist to-morrow. They will possess you with the necessary 
documents on application and I have no doubt but Judge- 
ment of the Bench will be of that sort which Lord Mans- 
field would not blush to own." 

Some of his clients languished in the debtors' prison. 
One, Henr}' A. WiUiams, wrote from there, March 31, 
1798, to Hamilton: "I am again necessitated to write you 
from this gloomy place (viz. — the gaol) where a trifling sum 
compared to the amount of Schenck's mortgage holds me." 
When it was possible quickly to apprehend a delinquent 
debtor, many important people found their way to the 
Bridewell prison. William Duer, whose financial irregular- 
ities were of a gigantic nature, was there held for some time; 
and Earle, the artist, who was also imprisoned for debt, 
painted Mrs. Hamilton's portrait,^ and in this way earned 
enough to obtain his freedom. 

Arrest and imprisonment for debt were general, and 
some of his clients kept him fully informed of their debt- 
ors who were at large, in more or less pressing and vin- 
dictive communications. One gentleman, whose chance 
presence here was awaited with interest and anxiety, was 
Pierpont Edwards of New Haven, who studiously kept out 
of the State. 

The delicacy of Hamilton's professional relations must have 
been, at times, great indeed, for upon one occasion he ap- 
peared for Mrs. Phoebe \^ ard, who, in petitioning Governor 
Clinton and the General Assembly, sought to gain her point 
bv calling attention to the shortcomings of her husband, who 
was evidendy a Tor\\ She presented her case in the follow- 
ing language: "WTiereas I, Phoebe Ward, wife of Edward 
Ward, do Humbly beg Leave to Address your Honours 

^In 17S7. 



158 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

with this my Petition, Humbly beging Leave to Acquaint 
your Honours with the true Situation of Matters. My 
Husband, Edward Ward, it was not supos'd he Altogether 
Condescended into Political Sentiments with the Country 
in General, therefore I hope your Honours will now Con- 
sider that a Wife cannot alter Principles or Dictate a Hus- 
band so far as to change his present conduct in Matters of 
so great Moment and of so great Importance as this present 
or past Revolution." 

The Rev. Jacob F. Hardenbergh was one of the striking 
figures of the Revolution and known as an energetic pa- 
triot, and by many was called the "fighting parson." At a 
time when so much unsettlement existed regarding the 
boundary lines of property, actions for trespass, as has been 
said, were much more common than they have ever been 
since. The son of Mr. Hardenbergh wrote to "Col. Ham- 
ilton, Col. Troup, and Col. Harison," from Raritan, July 
14, 1785: 

By order of my Father I wrote to you a few Days ago, 
beging of you, and the other Gentlemen imployed for 
him, not to be detained against him in any Suit, at least 
until he may have had an opportunity of Consulting upon 
the Subject with them. Since that he has wanted me to 
write to his Attorney on the Subject of the late Verdict 
against him. That Verdict Creates him uneasiness. He 
suspects undue Influence upon, at least, one or another 
of the leading Persons among the Jury. Also some abom- 
inable fraud in that Marked Stone in a certain line, &c. 
The night before I came away, he was informed that a cer- 
tain man should have said. If he had not been Subpoenaed 
on the other side, he could have evidenced when the letters 
were put on that Stone, and who did it, &c. He also heard 
that Mr. Gale should have been Invited and dined with 
one of the Principle Inhabitants of the Town, That he was 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 159 

to take a ride out of Town. He had not yet had an op- 
portunity to examin into the ground of these Reports when 
I left home. This carresing of the Jury by the plaintifes 
should have been after the commencement of the court. 
The old gentleman seemed Determined, to try further, 
if there is any Prospect of obtaining what he believes to be 
his just right. I therefore wish the Gentlemen who have 
faithfully served him in this cause would let him know 
their candid opinion about that Matter, they are now ac- 
quainted with the Matters pro & con. If they judge his 
cause not supportable by proper evidence, to dissuade him 
from any farther prosecution. If the contrary, to send 
him their opinion about the matter of farther prosecution. 
He seems inclined to attempt setting aside this Verdict, 
and risk a new tryal. 

When Hamilton came to New York he was immediately 
the recipient of many offers of help; and there were as well, 
although he had just entered upon the practice of his pro- 
fession, many applications from fathers and others who 
wished him to receive their sons into his office as pupils. 
On June 29, 1784, William HulP wrote from Newton, Mass., 
proposing that he should take Charles Jackson for instruc- 
tion, and give him employment. Charles was the son of 
General Michael Jackson, and was ''himself an Official at 
the Close of the War, and as soon as Peace took place, 
applied himself to study. Last year he graduated at Har- 
vard College, since which as I before observed he has read 
law with me." 

In Hamilton's books it is stated that Pierre V. Van Cort- 
landt became a clerk in February, 1784, and ^150 was paid 
for his tuition. In May of the same year, Jacob A. LeRoy 
commenced his clerkship, and his father paid ^150. The 

^ Hull commanded the North-western army, and was an uncle of Commodore 
Isaac Hull who commanded the Constitution in her fight with the Cuerriere. 



i6o ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

following note is appended in Hamilton's handwriting: 
*'Mr. LeRoy did not continue his Clerkship, so the money 
was refunded." In February Dirk Ten Broeck also com- 
menced his "clerkship" and Hamilton received ^150 from 
him. 

1786 Oct. I (Samuel Broome) To this sum due for 

fee with your son a clerk j^i50. 

" Oct I This day Mr. S. Broome, Junior entered 
the office as Clerk and this ist of May ab- 
sented himself to return 1789. 

On July 20, 1789, John Adams paid ;^20 for his son, who 
became a clerk. This was "remitted." Many men were 
recommended as partners, among them a Mr. Griffiths who 
was suggested by Elisha Boudinot, but it would seem that his 
only real associate was Balthazar De Heart, who appears to 
have been what is now known as a managing clerk. 
. Hamilton tried many cases with his attached friend 
Troup, and others with Aaron Burr, although, later in his 
career, these occasions became more and more infrequent. 
Again, they were on opposite sides. Burr's temptations 
to indulge in discreditable operations were not always re- 
sisted. He was a notorious speculator, and not over- 
scrupulous in money affairs, as appears from his relation 
with the Holland Company and the affairs of the Pulteney 
Estate. Lord Ashburton, who was Baring, the celebrated 
English banker, was especially incensed because of Burr's 
trickery, and wrote a scathing letter to Hamilton who repre- 
sented him, alluding to the duplicity of the former. A case 
in which he appeared illustrating Burr's methods, and his 
desire to escape, if possible, the responsibility of his actions, 
was that of Lewis vs. Burr, in which Hamilton appeared for 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER [6i 

the plaintiff, and which has unusual interest for other rea- 
sons. It was an action to hold Burr liable as an endorser 
on a note for $3,500/ 

On June the first, one Roger Enos made his promissory 
note payable to the order of Aaron Burr, thirty days after 
date. Burr endorsed the note to Francis Lewis, the plain- 
tiff in the action, and the note was not paid. By its terms 
it fell due on the 4th of July, days of grace included. The 
4th of July was a national holiday, being the anniversary 
of the Declaration of Independence, and on that day busi- 
ness, according to the custom then obtaining in the city of 
New York, was suspended. It was claimed that the three 
days of grace, which would have expired on the 4th of 
July, were, by reason of that day being a holiday, abridged, 
and that the note fell due on the 3d of July. Efforts were 
made to demand payment of the maker on the 3d, but 
he could not be found and, therefore, an excuse for making 
a demand was presented. The jurors being in doubt as 
to the law of the case returned a special verdict as to the 
facts, and submitted for the determination of the court 
this question of law, as to whether the note fell due on the 
3d or 4th of July. 

If the effort to make the demand on the 3d was sufficient 
to put the maker of the note in default and was not prema- 
ture, then Burr was liable to the plaintiff upon his promise 
to pay as endorser; but if the demand was not properly 
sought to be made on the 3d, then Burr was not liable. 
The whole question was one of law as to whether the note 
was due on the 3d or 4th of July, and the special verdict 
was for the purpose of presenting all the facts to the court 
so that it might determine this simple question. That 
was in accordance with the practice which prevailed at the 

' This case is reported in " 2 Caine's Cases," p. 194. 



i62 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

time the action was pending, and the court would direct 
judgment on the verdict in accordance with its decision. 
The case was carried up to the Supreme Court in bank, 
and was argued there in 1796, and the court held that the 
4th of July was a public holiday, and that the note fell due 
July 3d, and judgment was rendered against Burr. I was 
informed by the late Justice Edward Patterson that this de- 
cision was the precedent for all subsequent rulings of the 
Courts. 

When Hamilton came to New York the second time his 
friends, without exception, welcomed him most hospitably, 
and none more kindly than his former associates in the 
directorate of the Bank of New York. One of them, Com- 
fort Sands, provided an office for him and wrote: "As 
soon as your furniture arrives, I will take care of it and put 
it in my store. If it is possible I will engage a room for 
you for an office. It will be difficult to get one. I hope to 
be able to get my house done so that I may remove at the 
time I promised. I hardly doubt that I shall." After a 
time numerous young men again made application to enter 
his office as students or clerks, and William Laight addressed 
to him the following letter regarding his own son who was 
an applicant: 

Had there not been frequent Instances in many respect- 
able offices in this City where Events of a similar kind have 
been effected, w4iich I am now solicitous of obtaining, I 
shottld deem it presumptuous to address you on the sub- 
ject: Let this, in addition to the solicitude of a Parent for 
the Establishment of a Son in the line of his Profession, 
be my Apology: — 

Edward W. Laight, after his matriculation at Columbia 
College, was instructed in the Rudiments and Principles 
of Law by Cole: Burr, & finished the usual Course of his 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 163 

Studies with Mr. Munroe — He has been admitted to the Bar 
as an Attorney. — Of his quahfications Professional Men 
are better Judges than myself. — The Object I aim at is, 
to have him patronized by a Person of Merit & Celebrity, 
more for the purpose of improvement than for present 
Emolument. — To obtain this End, there is no pecuniary 
Compensation, within my reach, which I would not readily 
advance, & as my Aim is to his future, not immediate. 
Interest, He would be advised to accept such a proportion 
of Income as his Principal might hereafter deem adequate 
to his exertions of usefulness. — 

The wish of my heart is, that Cole: Hamilton should be 
such a Patron. — If, therefore, it is not incompatible with 
Cole: Hamilton's Views to receive as an Attorney in his 
office a Young Man, of, at least decent Manners & edu- 
cated as above mentioned, I should be made happy by his 
giving me an opportunity of acceding to such Terms as he 
himself would prescribe. 

Respectfully &c 

Wm. Laight. 

Cole: Hamilton — 14 March 1797. 

It was with great regret that Hamilton resigned from the 
Treasury, but the demands of a growing family were such 
that he could not live upon a salary of but $3,000 per an- 
num. Of course, many of his bitter enemies, those who had 
never ceased to accuse him of overweening ambition, or even 
of actual dishonesty, were not slow to make many fresh in- 
sinuations, but these were all unjust, and his return to work 
was a necessity. A paper making Robert Troup his exec- 
utor, found after his death, disclosed his comparative pov- 
erty on leaving office. In commenting upon this Lodge 
says: "It furnished a striking commentary on the charges 
of corruption made against Hamilton by Jefferson and his 
tools, and on Madison's cold sneer that Hamilton retired 
from office alleging poverty as a cause." No one under- 



i6+ Al 1\ Wni- R 11 AMU roN 

stood bettor tli.ni Cionoral Schuvlcr the dcspcr.uo straits oi 
his sx">n-in-la\v. .uul iti a lotrcr from roughkcepsic, Januarv 5, 
17(^4. ho wroto tvt ll.nnilton: "As soon as 1 toiiiul (h.\t 
Fairly' aiul otliors o( his comploxioii assigned as one oi the 
motives for \our Resignation a wish to he Governor of this 
State, that pei'son also assigned another, to wit. that the 
affairs of vour department were so deranged, that it was not 
possible for \ou to extrieate It fi\tm the confusion In which 
It was Involved. Doubting If I was at libertv to name my 
author who liad heard Fairly make the assertions. 1 con- 
tented myself with an opportunity of declaring in his pres- 
ence that the propagator o\ such a ealumnv was a liar and 
a villain." 

To his family his retirement from public othee to again 
take up law was a niatter oi' great moment, but all believed 
in his success, and ga\e hearty encouragemenr. Mrs. 
Church wrote to her sister from London in \'^Q^: **I see 
by the American papers that our dear Hamilton has been 
received with joy by the inhabitants of New \"ork. I par- 
take in every event that is agreeable to him. and often with 
a warmth which would lead one to imagine I was his own 
sister as well as his attached friend." and again later: **Mr. 
Gore' tells me that Colonel Hamilton's popularity is very 
great, and that he had a warm welcome at New York; those 
that are swa\ed b\- his opinions will always pursue their 
countr\'s welfare; but my dear Kliza when you and I are 
with him he shall not talk politics to us. A little oi' his 
(ip-trahlt f7onstfist will do us more good." 

He carried from Philadelphia the best wishes oi' most oi' 
his official associates, and those with whom he had labored so 



' Fiurlie was the clerk of the N. Y. Supreme Court, and an unscrupulous politician. 
* Christopher Crorc, Commissioner in London to ei;ter .\merican spoliation 
claims under Jay's treaty. 



HAMILTO.V, TiiL LAWYER 165 

dtvotfAly. Hh zttzchtA and d\%tmpihhe6 fnemi, Kicnard 
Peters, at one time a jij<itice of the United States Circuit 
Court in Pennsylvania, wrote from Philadelphia, February 
15, 1795, asking him to do him a professional favor. "This 
u,se f make of you will he some but a very insignificant Anti- 
dote against the Regret I feel at parting with you — But it is 
well to make the most of Misfortunes. Wherever you go, 
you carry with you my best Wishes for your Happiness, for 
as to Money &c you will pick that up fast, owing to the 
Enmities & not the Friendships of your Fellow-Cits. God 
bless you and believe me," etc. And again in March: "I 
hope your otium cum Dignitate zgrtt% with you, I was 
afraid of your being too idle and have on this account put a 
teazing employment upon you," and he asked him to pro- 
ceed against Wm. O^ghlan, for land bought twenty years 
before. His friend's wishes evidently were realized, for Ham- 
pton's practice began to flourish, and nearly all the mer- 
chants came to him with profitable cases. Among these 
were Le Ouen, with the most important of all, McEvers 
and Bayard, and a host of others; in fact, his ''agenda" 
contained a list of nearly every one of wealth and influence in 
New York, who was obliged to seek the help of the courts. 
Much of Hamilton's time was now taken up with Ad- 
miralty practice, and as the relations with France and 
Great Britain were so unsettled during the end of the eigh- 
teenth century, the depredations upon commerce were fre- 
quent and annoying. Hamilton, a few years before, while 
Secretary of the Treasury, had, with Washington, fought 
the impudent Genet, who actually fitted out privateers in 
our very ports. One of the most flagrant of the insults 
to which we had been subjected was the defiant attitude 
of this person regarding the privateer Z-/^/^ Sarah or P-ff/f 
Demrjcratj and Hamilton's drastic rebuke administered to 



i66 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Genet was everywhere appreciated and applauded by the 
owners of American ships. Hamilton appeared in no less 
than thirty or forty cases, either for the United Insurance 
Company or for various aggrieved ship-owners. Nearly all 
of these were of the greatest interest, and the depositions and 
briefs that he left among his papers read more like extracts 
from Cooper, Marryat, or Stevenson, than dry legal papers. 
Many of them are quaint accounts of captures at sea, hand- 
to-hand fights, and hair-breadth escapes, the case of the 
Fair American being one in point, and the deposition of her 
owner is before me as I write : 



The Brig fair American Robert Forest Master of Phila- 
delphia and bound there, was Captured and taken possession 
of on the i6th November by the French Privateer Jealous, 
RulF Master, who took out the Mate and three men, put in 
a Prize master & eight men and ordered her for Gaudaloup 
on the 19th Inst. (I believe) at abot eleven or twelve o'Clock 
at night was recaptured by the American armed Ships, Mon- 
tezuma, Norfolk bf Retaliation who took out the Frenchmen 
(Prizemaster excepted) and put in an Officer and 3 men and 
directed us to follow them. On the next morning we were 
again Captured by the French Frigates, the Insurgent & 
Folante and a French lugger who sent on board a Prize- 
master & 5 men and ordered us for Gaudaloup without 
taking any person out of the Brig. 

In the Afternoon Captain Forest, the SuperCargo, and 
Mr. Griswold began to form a plan for recapturing the Ves- 
sel (which originated with Captain Forest) and was imme- 
diately agreed to, abot eight o'Clock in the Evening the 
Frenchmen being on the Quarter Deck Capt. F. seized the 
Cutlass from the French officer on Deck, took possession 
of the Helm and Mr. Griswold & Shoemaker run up 
out of the Cabin, one armed with a Brace of Pistols and one 
with a Sword both belonging to Mr. G. which with the Cut- 
lass of the French officer was all the Arms on board, all the 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 167 

men assisted to drive the Frenchmen below who made but 
little resistance, Mr. G. & S. then took Charge of them and 
watched all night, Capt. F. navigating the Brig and bore 
away for Antigua were we arrived next evening. 

When we recaptured the Brig there were two Frigates 
abot 4 miles ahead which we believe were the French ones 
that Captured her. 

This Statement is made by me at the request of Capt. 
Murray at the same time I reserve to myself the priviledge of 
making any further Statement or Explanation respecting 
the Business which I may conceive requisite or proper. 

I further observe that I do not believe the Brig would have 
been recaptured had not Mr. Griswold his Sword & Pistols 
& 3 men from the Montezuma been on board. — 

(Signed) Jos. Shoemaker, Jr. 

Beside the cases of the Diana, Harlequin, La Belle Creole, 
Reindeer, Neptune, Happy Return, and many others when 
intricate legal questions arose by reason of capture or loss 
or insurance, we find that upon one occasion Hamilton ap- 
peared for the United Insurance Company in the case of the 
brig Nancy. This vessel, which was owned in Baltimore, 
subsequently met with a strange adventure on a voyage to 
Cura^oa, via Hayti, which began in July, 1799. When at sea 
her course was changed so that she brought up at the Dutch 
island of Aruba, where she disposed of her mixed cargo of dry 
goods and provisions, and took on another of arms and ammu- 
nition, which she intended to trade with the French at Hayti 
for coffee. On August 28 she was overhauled by the British 
war cutter Sparrow, belonging to the English flag-ship, and 
sent to Jamaica. Two days later a Lieutenant Fitton of H, 
M. S. Ferret caught a large shark near the coast of Hayti, and 
upon opening its belly a package of papers, which undoubt- 
edly belonged to the Nancy, was found therein, and was 
delivered later to Lieutenant Wylie of the cutter that had capt- 



i68 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ured the Nancy. Subsequently the vessel was condemned 
by the advocate-general as a lawful prize. Almost at the 
same time other papers were found concealed in the cabin of 
the Nancy which were a complement of the original, and to- 
gether proved the unlawful conduct of the captain of the brig. 
Not a little of his work was connected with the land com- 
panies that were formed in various parts of the United 
States. He was counsel for Theophile Cazenove, the presi- 
dent of the Holland Company, and acted for those who 
sought to put upon its feet the celebrated Georgia Company, 
which later went to pieces when the Assembly of that State 
repudiated its action in giving a charter. One of his most 
painful experiences was in connection with the extraordinary 
operations and speculations of Robert Morris. Not only did 
Hamilton himself lose heavily by Morris's conduct, but his 
brother-in-law, John B. Church, for whom he appeared, 
and who held a mortgage from Morris, was mulcted, previ- 
ous to Morris's apprehension and imprisonment. This was 
undoubtedly a sad blow to Hamilton who, in the early part 
of his career, was helped by the great financier, who really 
suggested his name for the treasuryship, and to whom he 
owed so much. Morris's letters to him are pathetic, and in 
one, after speaking of his difficulty in raising money and re- 
ferring to his intention of suing Greenleaf, who had de- 
serted him in his land speculation, he said: "I will immedi- 
ately turn my attention to another source of reimbursement 
for you. My promise to you on this point is sacred and 
shall be fulfilled. You will speedily hear from me in regard 
to it. I hope Mr. Church has too much spirit and too high 
a sense of honor to entertain a desire of posessing himself of 
my property at less than its value, and at its value I am will- 
ing to sell it to him. I trust to your assurance of serving 
me in this business." 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 169 

As has been said, the most important commercial case 
with which Hamilton was connected was that of Le Guen 
vs. Gouverneur and Kemble^ — both parties being shipping 
merchants, and the issue being alleged misrepresentation 
and substitution of a cargo of indigo, cotton, and other sub- 
stances. Numerous side issues arose in which various 
Jewish merchants named Lopez, Gomez, and Lepine were 
also concerned. This great case, which was ultimately de- 
cided in the Court of Errors, led to much litigation. Le 
Guen, a Frenchman, was represented by Hamilton, Burr, 
and others, and the defendants by Gouverneur Morris and 
associates. The counsel were permitted by the court to 
speak repeatedly out of the ordinary course, so great was the 
interest and desire to get at all the facts. Morris was most 
offensive to Hamilton in court, and there was an inter- 
change of retorts between the two, and the "commanding" 
figure, melodious voice, and authoritative manner of the 
former made a great impression. James A. Hamilton refers 
to this incident." Morris, during his argument and after 
speaking in praise of what Hamilton had said, used these 
words: "Before I have done I am confident I shall make 
my learned friend cry out, 'Help me, Cassius' (pointing to 
Burr) 'or I sink.'" When Hamilton's turn came to reply, he 

' Mr. Gouverneur had originally tried to retain Hamilton, but the latter de- 
clined, and wrote to Gouverneur: "Mr. B. last evening delivered me your letter 
enclosing a copy of your correspondence with Mr. Lewis. In one other respect I 
feel myself painfully situated, having received a favorable impression of your 
character. I am sorry to observe anything to have come from you which I am 
obliged to consider as exceptional. Your second letter to Mr. Lewis contains a 
general and, of course, an unjustifiable reflection on the profession to which I belong, 
and of a nature to put it out of my power to render you any service in the line of that 
profession. I really believe that you did not attend to the full force of the expres- 
sion when you told Mr. Lewis, 'Attorneys like to make the most of their bills of cost;' 
but it contains in it other insinuations which cannot be pleasing to any man in the 
profession, and which must oblige anyone that has the proper delicacy to decline 
the business of a person who professedly entertains such an idea of the conduct of this 
profession." 

* Hamilton's "Reminiscences," p. 12. 



170 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

treated Morris with great courtesy, reviewed his arguments 
without mercy, exposing all their weakness, and then alluded 
to the boast of his friend in a strain of irony that turned the 
laughter of the court and audience against him. 

On the same day, after the court had closed, there was a 
dinner given to the counsel, judges, and others, by Stephen 
Van Rensselaer of Albany, the patroon. Hamilton went 
to his father-in-law's General Schuyler's, to dress for dinner. 
Morris and the rest to the Patroon's. When Hamilton ar- 
rived. Van Rensselaer met him at the door, and to put him 
on his guard informed him that Morris was in a very bad 
humor. 

Hamilton went into the room, approached Morris most 
amiably, and said: "My friend, you will rejoice, I hope, 
that by Cassius's help I meet you here with our friends at 
dinner!" 

The case, like many others at the time, attracted great at- 
tention and the court-room was crowded.' General Schuy- 
ler wrote to his daughter, February 13, 1800: "So much 
has my dear General's time been engrossed by his law busi- 
ness that we have had but a small portion of that Company 
which is always so pleasing and so instructive. Mr. Morris 
of Counsel for Mr. Gouverneur, showed much indiscretion by 
observations injurious to my Dear General, but such a reply 
was given as afforded General pleasure to the Court and 
Audience, and which Mr. Morris felt so sensibly, that I hope 
he will profit by It for I very sincerely wish him well." 

My dear Eliza: We arrived here last evening well and 
shall proceed immediately on our journey. 

I forgot my brief in the cause of Le Guen against Gou- 
verneur which is in a bundle of papers in my armed Chair in 

* See "Johnson's Cases," vol. I, p. 437. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 171 

the office. Request one of the Gentlemen to look for it and 
send it up to me by the post of Tuesday. Beg them not 
to fail — Adieu my beloved. Kiss all the Children for me. 

yrs. A. H. 

Peeks Kill April 
i6th 1797 

When it was finally won by Hamilton it is said that he re- 
fused a generous fee proffered him by his grateful client, 
alleging that it was too much. Rufus King, in his memoirs, 
refers to this incident, and compares Hamilton's modesty to 
Burr's exaction of a disproportionate sum for his services. 
Luckily I have found Le Guen's letter which states the fact. 



Louis Le Guen to Alexander Hamilton 

General Hamilton New York, ist May, 1800. 

Dear General: Still deeply moved by your generous pro- 
ceedings, and full of gratitude, I find myself obliged to do what 
you yesterday forbade me to, confining myself to remitting 
you herewith the moderate sum of fifteen hundred dollars. 
Kindly accept it and at the same time the assurance that no- 
body in the world is more respectfully attached to you, or 
more disposed than I am to seize every opportunity to shew 
you all my gratitude. Therefore, dear General, be so kind 
as to make use of them, and also be well assured of the sin- 
cerity of my feelings, which will last as long as I live. . . . 

I also enclose a little account of what I have paid to 
Mr. Burr, including interest at seven per cent, upon divers 
sums that I have advanced him amounting altogether to 
$4,636.66. 

I beg you to kindly settle this bill with him, so that he 
will be satisfied; he has promised to settle up with me to- 
morrow for the sum of 13,200 dollars that he owes me, fallen 
due the 15th of last month, the only business that keeps me 
here. 



172 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

April 1800. 

To account of Mr. Burr for onorarium up-to-date . . ^2900. 

Several accounts upon his order to Mr. Green . . . 290. 

BILL OF INTERESTS 

Upon ^11200 ----- that I advanced in three 
separate sums at different times. From the month of 
July to August 1798 — to the 19th April 1799 — For 

8 months at the rate of 7% 522.66 

Interest for one year — upon a bill of ;$I3200 . . . 924.00 

;^4636.66 

The affairs of the new or Park Theatre/ which was com- 
menced in 1794, engaged Hamilton's attention, for, owing to 
the vicissitudes incident to insufficient capitalization and bad 
management, the prospect of building this important place 
of amusement languished, but was finally carried out after 
many people had lost a great deal of money. The land upon 
which it was erected was owned by a Mrs. Ann White, and 
the various subscribers to the building fund included the 
names of pretty nearly every person of note in New York 
at the time. Some of them were: Stephen Van Rensselaer, 
James Watson, William Constable, Nicholas Cruger, Wil- 
liam Bayard, Isaac Gouverneur, Elias Hicks, Gerret Ket- 
tletas, Robert S. Kemble, Nicholas Low, Dominick Lynch, 
Julian Ludlow, Stephen Tillinghast, Pascal N. Smith, 
George Scriba, Julian Verplanck, Joshua Waddington, 
Nathaniel Prime, Rufus King, Charles Wilkes, DeWitt 
Clinton, Brockholst Livingston, Josiah Ogden Hoffman, 
John Watts, Nathaniel Fish, Thomas Lispenard, and about 
seventy others. 

Finally, after much disappointment and trouble, the 
matter was referred to Chancellor Livingston, and Hamil- 
ton was employed. Even later, when the theatre was act- 

' It stood on the east side of the present City Hall Park, near Beekman Street. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 173 

ually opened, it had trouble in paying its taxes. It appears 
that a forcible attempt was made to attach ready money, or, 
in other words, what are now known as "the box-office re- 
ceipts." This led to a suit in which William Henderson, 
Jacob Waltham, Morton Carlyle, and Pollock brought action 
against William Brown for trespass and for breaking and en- 
tering the plaintiffs' close, called the New Theatre, and tak- 
ing and carrying away three hundred and twenty-five pieces 
of silver coin of the value of one dollar each. Hamilton de- 
fended Brown who, it appears, was duly appointed collector 
of direct taxes for the district in which the theatre was 
situated. "He had been also duly furnished with a list 
in which the locus in quo was designated as the dwelling house 
of one John Hoffman, and as such was taxed at three hundred 
and twenty-five dollars, and the tax being unpaid he entered 
and took the silver coin in question in the nature of a distress 
for the same. The Theatre and appurtenances upon which 
the tax was laid and levied was, in fact, not the dwelling 
house for any person whatever, but a Theatre for the exhibi- 
tion of dramatic performances, but by mistake it was inserted 
in the list of dwelling houses by the assessor." 

Hamilton was employed on the 12th of May, 1789, by Dr. 
P. J. More, of Charleston, to collect a bill against a Mr. 
John Tayleur, who formerly kept a jeweller's shop in Queen 
Street, near the Coffee House, New York. Hamilton's name 
had been suggested to the plaintiff by Mr. Pringle, and he 
was urged to make the absconding patient pay his bill, "and 
to have no indulgence for a Man so faithless." 

Certainly the doctor was most liberal with his patient, for 
he had agreed to furnish all medicine, and that he should not 
be paid anything at all if he failed to cure Mr. Tayleur, and 
even if he did cure him he was to be paid only ten guineas 
at once, and ten guineas more six months after. 



174 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

One of the doctor's chief grievances was that the patient 
owed "hard specie" and he had paid him a part of it. His 
fear was that he might take advantage of the circulation of 
paper money and discharge the rest of his obligation in de- 
preciated currency. 

The doctor informed Hamilton that Tayleur "had ac- 
knowledged himself that his disorder had already costed 
him about ^200 sterling; I thought I had," he said, "to 
deal with an honest Man. I did not hurry him for the pay- 
ment. It was only Eight days after his departure but I was 
informed that it was not the first French leave he had been 
guilty of. If I had known it sooner I would have dealt with 
him quite in another manner, but I took him to be an honest 
man and would never have mentioned the nature of his dis- 
order if he had acted as such. After you received the pay- 
ment, you'll be so Kind as to take your due; and send me the 
ballance. You will be so good as to Observe that in New 
York it is hard Specie and here paper medium." 

One of Hamilton's official acts when Secretary of the Treas- 
ury was, in 1794, to propose a tax on carriages, which after- 
ward became a law,^ and its enforcement was opposed on 
the ground that it was a direct tax and, therefore, uncon- 
stitutional. Madison, who was then in the House, bitterly 
fought the proposed measure. Later Hylton, a Virginian, 
brought suit in the Supreme Court to determine its legality. 
Hamilton, who appeared with the Attorney-General and 
Charles Lee, warmly defended the constitutionality of the 
law, and after an eloquent speech was upheld by the Court, 
who decided that the carriage duty was an excise and not a 
direct tax. There seems to have been some friction in the Su- 



■ I am informed that among the archives of the Alexandria, Va., court-house 
there is a record of the indictment of General Washington for a failure to pay his 
carriage tax. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 175 

preme Court, for the Chief Justice and Justice Cushing did 
not sit in the case, and Justice Wilson gave no reasons for 
the opinion of the Court. William Bradford, the Attorney- 
General, subsequently wrote to his friend Hamilton as 
follows : 

William Bradford to Alexander Hamilton 

Philadelphia, Aug. 4, 1795. 

My dear Sir: The record of the proceedings in the case 
relating to the Carriage Tax is not yet returned — but I ex- 
pect it this week. I learn, however, that Taylor,^ who has 
published his speech, has advised the defendant to make no 
further argument and to let the Supreme Court do as they 
please, — and that in consequence of this advice no counsel 
will appear in support of the writ of Error. I have desired 
that the District Attorney would take measures to counteract 
this manoeuvre — which is of a piece with the rest of Taylor's 
conduct. Having succeeded in dividing the opinions of the 
Circuit Court, he wishes to prevent the effect which a deci- 
sion of the Supreme Court on full argument would have and 
perhaps by the circulation of his pamphlet in the mean time 
to indispose the people of Virginia to paying the next annual 
Duty on their carriages. — If the Defendant persists in pur- 
suing this advice, I presume your attendance will not be 
necessary; for in such case I would think it most advisable 
to submit the cause to the court upon the two arguments 
that have been already made. That of Mr. Wickham's 
has arrived in manuscript; that of Taylor we expect by 
the next post. — I will take care however to apprise you as 
soon as the record arrives what is to be expected. 

In consequence of the situation of things and some new 
occurrences, it has been thought advisable to request the 
President to return to Philadel. — He is expected to be here 
next week. — 

The crazy speech of Mr. Rutledge joined to certain infor- 
mation that he is daily sinking into debility of mind and body, 

' Counsel for Hylton. 



176 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

will probably prevent him to receiving the appointment I 
mentioned to you. But should he come to Philad'. for that 
purpose, as he has been invited to do — & especially if he 
should resign his present office — the embarrassment of the 
President will be extreme — but if he is disordered in mind 
in the manner that I am informed he is, — there can be but 
one course of procedure/ — I write in great haste & can 
only add that I am with great regard 

Your friend, &c 

Wm. B. 

' John Rutledge, after his nomination as Chief Justice of the United States 
Supreme Court, July i, 1795, became insane, and his name was rejected when the 
Senate met in December. 



CHAPTER VII 
HAMILTON, THE LAWYER (Concluded) 

The case by which Hamilton is best known, because of 
its national importance, was that of the People vs. Cros- 
well, which, to a great extent, established the present law of 
libel in the United States. 

Croswell was the editor of a small newspaper called the 
fVasp, which he published at Hudson, New York. He sub- 
sequently edited the Balance, which was continued after 
Hamilton's death. 

In the issue of September 9, 1802, he republished with 
comments an article, originally written by John Holt and 
published in the New York Evening Post, which reflected 
upon Thomas Jefferson. The objectionable matter was this: 
"Holt says the burden of the Federal Song is that Jefferson 
paid Callender for calling Washington a traitor, a robber, a 
perjurer; for calling Adams a hoary-headed incendiary and 
for most grossly slandering the priv*ate characters of men he 
well knew were virtuous. These charges not a democratic 
Editor has yet dared or ever will dare to meet in an open and 
manly discussion." 

Ca'llender, the person referred to, was the editor of The 
Prospect Before Us, published in Richmond, Virginia, and 
at the time he was constantly engaged in most intemper- 
ate abuse of the Federalists — and Washington, Hamilton, 

and others were the particular victims of his enmity; in 

177 



1 78 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

fact he, like Freneau, was an instrument of Jefferson, and 
there is no doubt but that he was engaged by the latter, as 
has been fully proved, to libel Washington and Adams. 

Croswell was arrested, arraigned, and tried at Claverack, 
New York, before Chief Justice Morgan Lewis, on July ii, 
1802, and convicted in spite of the fact that he had an- 
nounced his inability to proceed without the presence of Cal- 
lender, who was a material witness, and he had expected to 
prove by the latter the truth of the charge as set forth in the 
indictment — to wit: that "Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Presi- 
dent of the United States, well knowing the contents of the 
said publication, called The Prospect Before Us, paid or 
caused to be paid to the said James Thompson Callender 
the two several sums of fifty dollars, one of which it seems 
was paid prior to the publication of the said pamphlet for the 
purpose of aiding and assisting him, the said Thompson 
Callender for the publication thereof, and the other subse- 
quently thereto as a reward, etc." ^ 

Things looked very black for Croswell, as the judge on 
the bench and every one in power were Democrats and sup- 
porters of Jefferson, and prejudiced to the last degree. Even 
the sheriff and grand jury were of this political complexion, 
and were determined, not only to punish the prisoner, but, 
if possible, to silence the active and annoying portion of the 
Federal press that had done so much, up to that time, to 
make them uncomfortable. Judge Lewis held that the 
English law laid down by Lord Mansfield, to the effect that 
the "jury were judges only of the fact, and not of the truth 
or intent of the publication," this decision being in distinct 
opposition to the precedent fixed by the Zenger trial (the de- 
fendant also being an editor and being defended by another 

' Chief Justice Lewis is reported to have said that even if a witness on the stand 
knew of the truth of the libel, he would not permit him to testify. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 179 

Hamilton^), left no other alternative but a conviction. In 
fact, no one could have been treated more unjustly than the 
unfortunate Crosvvell. 

He had appealed to Hamilton to defend him, but the latter 
at first could not free himself from his other engagements 
to be present at the trial; subsequently, however, he argued 
a motion before the Court of Errors at Albany in a manner 
w^hich Chancellor Kent said was the greatest effort Hamilton 
had ever made. "He had bestowed," said Kent, "unusual 
attention on the case, and he came prepared to discuss the 
points of law with a perfect mastery of the subject. There 
was an unusual solemnity and earnestness on his part In the 
discussion. He was, at times, highly impassioned and pa- 
thetic. His whole soul was enlisted In the cause. The 
aspect of the times was portentous, and he was persuaded 
that if he could overthrow the high-toned doctrine of the 
judge It would be a great gain to the liberties of this coun- 
try. . . . The anxiety and tenderness of his feelings, and the 
gravity of his theme, rendered his reflections exceedingly im- 
pressive. He never before, in my hearing, made any effort 
in which he commanded higher reverence for his principles, 
nor equal admiration for the power and pathos of his elo- 
quence." It Is to be regretted that Hamilton's speech, 
which lasted six hours, has never been fully reported, al- 
though I am In possession of an Incomplete report of the 
trial, which belonged to him, where but sixteen pages are de- 
voted to his address.^ 

' Andrew Hamilton. 

^ In the N. Y. Evenmg Post, Caine is abused for his unsatisfactory report of the 
proceedings in the Croswell case which is all we have to-day; though Hamilton 
spoke six hours, his speech is condensed to six pages. "Should Mr. Caine think 
we have not given his book so favorable a reception as he thinks it is entitled to, why 
then we frankly declare that we can never have much patience with one who ex- 
hibits Harrison and Hamilton to the world as men speaking neither sense nor 
Grammar." 



iS.> Al 1 \ Wni R 11 AMll ION 

ri\o other law \ CIS who .»p|n\inil wcro Mi. \'.m \iss. 
who .ittoiw.uil siMMvl .IS Inm's si\on^l \n lUc Jiul. .\in- 
hrv>se SptMictM. (he Attoiiun A uucm.i1..ihv1 Mi. ll.iiiisv>n. Ilu- 
l.UdM w.is .issoei.ai\l with ll.ui\iltoi\ tor tlu- lUtViue. as was 
Ml. Nan NoSsS. 

This trial attraoti\l \\\c most wu1o-sjm\ .ul artontlon. .iiul the 
p.ipors hlK\l their coluiuns with |nini;i-nt criticism ot tlu> 
priK-ocvliiii^s .iiul ot cu'li other. \\\c Ulstti County Cun^tU^ .\ 
Federal sheer, w .is es[H\'iall\' aetixe, .iiul .iineles from the piu 
ot'Mr. IMmeiulortV were ilireereil a^.unsr (.lenei.il .Armstnnij;. 
a raJie.il IVmoerat, wlio w i\>te iov a p.iper in the same tow n. 
called the Plt'bt'nin. IMemhers ot ll.imiltotrs own pait\ 
met .It (.^l.i\ crack aiul atterw.ir>.l .it Alh.iin, .iiul the issue 
was telt to be i>ne ot the tust importance, involxing, as it ilid, 
the lihertv o\ the pre.ss. aiul the oppintiinirv of the IVder.iI- 
ists to tii:;ht in future tor their cause which, hy this time, w as 
almost hopeless. 

Cicneral Scluivler, who was ever at the elhow o\ his ener- 
ootic son-in-law, wrote from .Mhanv, June z^j, k^o^', to Mrs. 
Hamilton who was then in New ^"ork.: 

1 have had ahout a do.'cn Federalists ask. me. intreating 
me to write to ^ our (.icner.il it possible to .itteiul on the ;'th 
i^f next month at Cla\ crack, as t.\nmcil to the Icvlcial [Minter 
there who is to be tried on an Indictment tor a libel against 
that letferson. who disgraces not onl\ the place he tills but 
produces immorality bv his pernicious examples- To those 
applicants I have answered with the citi.'cns of N. \ ork 
we extend to all the tirst week in |ul\ th.it 1 behexed it would 
not be possible tor him to be at C^la\ crack 1 shall, how(>\er, 
intreat \oii to mention it to him — It his business will permit. 
the aide would be of ser\ice Aud the results such .is his real 
friends wish. 

It has been alleged, that at the time .Ambrose Spencer tried 
the case tor the people he had just been elected a judge. 



//AMIi;iO\, Jilh LAW/KP iZt 

■,t!)(\ thut fir: pr()((:<:(\<j\ vviffl morc (< )nU<\'A\<i: \)<:C'dH'A: hit 

ffioij^lit flKjf r}if; respect for his position would entitle him r/> 
immunity from hot rejoinders of the lawyers, but this state- 
rnent was, without doubt, a slander of the period. J^ater 
Spencer admitted all of Hamilton's great ^jualities, 

f familt/m contended that "the great;r;r the truth the j/reat/;r 
tlie libel" was an outworn dictum, bad in morals and bad 
in law. After a long argument the c^jurt was divided; Kent 
and i hompvm were against I^wis and \Avingsum and in 
favor of Hamilton, but the opinion of Chief Justice f^wis 
stood as law. 

i lildreth states that "a declaration bill was later introduced 
intri the assembly, but delayed for political reasons. At the 
next s*;ssion an act allowing the truth to be given in evidence 
was proposed, but defeated by the 0>»uncil of Revision, com- 
[josed of the judges and chancellor. 'Ihe act, with s^-^me 
modification however, became the law the next year, and is 
now in force throughout the United States.'" 

Hamilt/m*s notes in this great trial are before me, and may 
be reproduced in their entirety, 

1. 1 he liberty of the prefs con fists in the right to publish 
v/ith impunity i ruth with gfffxl motives for yAMifvd\}\f: ends 
though reflecting on Gov't, Magi.stracy or Individuals 

H. J hat the allowance of this right is efsential to the 
preservation of free (^iovernm'S the difallowance of it fatal. 

HI. That its abufe is to be guarded against by fubject- 
ing the exercise of it to the animadver;^ion and controul of 
the Tribunals of Justice; but that this controul cannot 
safely be entrusted to a permanent body of .Magistracy and 
requires the effectual co-<^^peration of O^urt and Jury. 

iV. i hat to confine the Jury to the mere question of 
publication and the application of terms; without the right 
of inquiry into the intent or tendency referving to the Court 

• "iluA&jr.'h lihXijty <A j'jMtrviVnm" p. 742. 



i82 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

the exclufive right of pronouncing upon the construction 
tendency and intent of the alleged libel, is calculated to render 
negatory the function of the Jury; enabling the Court to 
make a libel of any writing whatsoever the moft innocent or 
commendable. 

V. That it is the general rule of criminal law that the in- 
tent conftitutes the crime and that it is equally a general 
rule, that the intent, mind or quo ammo is an inference of fact 
to be drawn by the Jury. 

VL That if there are exceptions to this rule they are 
confined to cafes on which not only the principal fact but its 
circumstances can be and are specifically defined by Statute 
or Judicial Precedents. 

VI L That in respect to libel there is no such specific 
and precise definition of facts and circumstances to be 
found; that consequently it is difficult if not impofsible to 
pronounce that any writing is per fe and exclusive of all cir- 
cumstances libellous. That is libellous character must de- 
pend on intent and tendency the one and the other being 
matter of fact. 

VIIL That the definitions or descriptions of Hbels to 
be found in the books predicate them upon some malicious 
or mischievous intent or tendency; to expose individuals to 
hatred or contempt or to occafion a disturbance or breach of 
the peace. 

IX. That in determining the character of a libel the 
Truth or falsehood if in the nature of things a material in- 
gredient though the truth may not always be decifive but 
being abufed may still admit of a malicious and mifchievous 
intent which may constitute a libel. 

X. That in the Roman Law one fource of the doctrine of 
libel, the truth in cafes interesting to the public may be given 
in evidence. That the antient Statutes probably declaratory 
of the common make the falsehood an ingredient of the 
Crime; that antient precedents in the Courts of Justice 
correspond and that the precedents to this day charge a ma- 
licious intent. 

XL That the doctrine of excluding the truth as imma- 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 183 

terial originated in a tyrannical and polluted fource, the 
Court of Star Chamber and that though it prevailed a con- 
siderable length of time yet there are leading precedents 
down to the Revolution and ever fince in which a contrary 
practice prevailed. 

Xn. That the doctrine being against reason and natural 
justice and contrary to the original principles of the common 
law enforced by Statutory provisions, precedents which sup- 
port it deferve to be confidered in no better light than as 
malus ufus which ought to be abolished. 

XHL That in the general distribution of powers in our 
System of Jurisprudence the cognizance of law belongs to 
the Court, of fact to the Jury; that as often as they are not 
blended the power of the Court is absolute and exclusive. 
That in civil cafes it is always so and may rightfully be so 
exerted. That in criminal cafes the law and fact being al- 
ways blended, the Jury for reasons of a political and peculiar 
nature, for the security of life and liberty, is entrusted with 
the power of deciding both law and fact. 

XIV. That this distinction results: 

1. From the ancient forms of pleading in civil cafes none 
but special pleas being allowed in matter of law, in criminal 
none but the general ifsue. 

2. From the liability of the Jury to attaint on civil cases 
and the general power of the Court, as its substitute in grant- 
ing new trials and from the exemption of the Jury from 
attaint on criminal cafes and the defect of power to controul 
their verdicts by new trials; the teft of every legal power 
being its capacity to produce a definitive effect liable neither 
to punishment nor controul. 

XV. That in criminal cases neverthelefs the Court are 
the constitutional advisers of the Jury in matter of law; 
who may compromit their consciences by lightly or rafhly 
disregarding that advice; but may still more compromit 
their consciences by following it, if exercising their judg- 
ments with discretion and honesty they have a clear convic- 
tion that the charge of the Court is wrong.^ 

' From the original trial notes. 



i84 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

A part of Hamilton's time was devoted to land operations 
and litigation arising therefrom. His voluminous corre- 
spondence refers, not only to the establishment of the Ohio 
Company, but to the settlement of his own State. Much 
litigation, in which his father-in-law was concerned, had to 
do with Cosby's Manor, and with the lands originally 
granted to Sir William Johnson, or deeded to Robert Morris 
by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Sir William 
Johnson, who was so closely identified with the French and 
Indian wars, and who was such a power with the Indian 
"Six Nations," married one Catharine Wisenburgh, the 
daughter of a German emigrant. This was in 1739. 
Some years later he took into his house a squaw named 
"Molly" Brant, sister of the celebrated Mohawk Chief, 
Joseph Brant, or Thayendanega, with whom he seems to 
have spent a contented and happy life. By her he had 
eight illegitimate children. Many years afterward Hamilton 
was called upon to give an opinion regarding Sir William's 
will, of which opinion this is a transcript: 

I have examined that clause of the will of Sir William 
Johnson which contains a devise to his natural son, Peter 
Johnson, and also a subsequent clause which respects a de- 
vise over in case of the death of any of his eight natural 
children without issue, in connection with the fact stated to me 
that the said Peter died under age, unmarried and without 
issue, and thereupon I am of opinion that the survivors of 
the eight children were entitled to an estate of inheritance in 
the premisses before devised to the said Peter. 

Alexander Hamilton, 

January 25, 1796. 

Toward the latter part of the year 1799, the citizens of 
New York were greatly excited by the discovery of the body 
of a young girl named Guilielma Sands, which was found in 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 185 

one of the wells of the Manhattan Company at the corner 
of Barclay and Prince Streets. She was fully dressed, and 
her muff was suspended from her neck. Guilielma was the 
niece of Elias Ring and his wife, quiet and respectable Quak- 
ers who lived in the upper part of Greenwich Street, who had 
several male boarders, among them one Levi Weeks. It 
was known that she was engaged to Levi, who was the 
brother of a prosperous builder named Ezra Weeks, who 
constructed many important buildings in the city of New 
York, among them the present City Hall, and later, Hamil- 
ton's country house, known as The Grange. 

Levi lived, at first, with his brother at the corner of Har- 
rison and Greenwich Streets, and afterward boarded with 
the Rings. For some days after the murder, which took 
place between eight and nine o'clock on the night of Decem- 
ber 22, 1799, no clew could be obtained as to the identity of 
the murderer, but finally Weeks was arrested and indicted. 
He was in every way an exemplary young man, and the girl's 
relatives were loath to believe him guilty; nevertheless, sus- 
picion pointed very strongly, at least, to his knowledge of the 
fate of Guilielma, if he himself was not actually the murderer. 
It was known that she was last seen with him upon the night 
of her death, and their voices were heard in the hallway of 
the Ring house shortly before she left, never to return. He 
was almost distraught, but could give no explanation of what 
had occurred. The girl's body, when found, bore abra- 
sions, but no indication of strangulation or other violence. 
After his arrest Weeks engaged Hamilton and Aaron Burr, 
who were associated with Brockholst Livingston in the trial, 
while the prosecution was represented by Assistant Attorney- 
General Cadwalader Colden. The case was tried at the 
old City Hall, formerly the Federal Hall, at the north-east 
corner of Wall and Nassau Streets, and the site of the pres- 



i86 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ent Sub-Treasury building, before Mr. Justice John Lan- 
sing, the then Mayor Richard Varick, and the Recorder 
Richard Harrison. 

The trial was exceedingly sensational and, if anything, 
attracted more attention than any recent proceeding. It 
began Tuesday, March 31, 1800, and continued several 
days. Burr made the opening speech, and Hamilton in- 
terrogated most of the witnesses, and summed up. It would 
appear that from the first the presiding justice was not con- 
vinced of Weeks's guilt, and regarded the evidence as so 
flimsy that he virtually directed the jury to bring in a verdict 
of acquittal, which they did. This, however, was most dis- 
tasteful to the excited public, who were quite sure of the 
prisoner's culpability, and v^^anted him punished. It ap- 
peared in evidence that though the deceased girl, who was 
very beautiful, had been very intimate with Weeks, her 
relations with others had been decidedly promiscuous and 
improper; it was likely, therefore, that some of them had 
made away with her. Mrs. Ring's anger and violence when 
the verdict was brought in were intense. Shaking her fist in 
Hamilton's face she said, "If thee dies a natural death I 
shall think there is no justice in heaven." In this connec- 
tion it is a curious fact that both Chief Justice Lansing and 
Hamilton died as she had predicted. The former was not 
seen alive after he left his hotel one day, in 1829, ^° reach 
the Albany boat, and his body was never found. 

An alleged sensational incident of the trial, which is, how- 
ever, untrue, has been referred to by several of Hamilton's 
biographers. It is in effect, that one of the witnesses, a man of 
bad character named Croucher, who was suspected of being 
the real murderer, was made to betray himself by a dramatic 
expedient devised by Hamilton, who held two lighted candles 
close to his face while he was on the stand during the latter 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 187 

part of the day. Although this witness Croucher was a 
lodger in the Ring house, there was no proof that he had any- 
thing to do with the crime, but he sought to throw suspicion 
upon his rival Weeks. The report of the trial shows that a 
lighted candle was simply used for the identification of 
Croucher. 

Parton, who was Burr's biographer, has made him the 
hero of the story. In this connection it may be stated that 
Hamilton had always believed in the innocence of his 
client, and that he would not have taken his case had he 
had any doubts of his position. In fact, some of his legal 
associates at the time, in giving their impressions of his 
methods, have stated that he never entered a case simply 
as an advocate, but that he first convinced himself of the 
suspected individual's innocence, and then went heart and 
soul into the defence. 

The field of his professional labors was no restricted one, 
and he was often in Albany, or again in Kingston, or Pough- 
keepsie, or other places, taking long journeys by river sloops, 
or stage-coaches, or in the saddle in company with other 
lawyers who followed the circuit. Much of his intimacy 
with Chancellor Kent grew from this close contact. In his 
expense-book appears a charge of four hundred dollars for 
eight days' work at New Haven, at fifty dollars per day, he 
having been employed by the State of New York. From 
the same source we are informed that on May 10, 1796, he 
received a retainer of five hundred dollars from the "United 
States for attendance on Philadelphia for a fortnight's work 
in arguing the question of the Constitutionality of the Car- 
riage Tax.'* 

His letters to his wife were written under the most varying 
conditions. He wrote from Albany, October 7, 1796, to 
Mrs. Hamilton at 69 Stone Street: "This moment I came 



i88 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

from Court and I fear I shall not be disengaged from it be- 
fore Saturday. Judge of my impatience by your own. I 
am quite well. Adieu my darling Eliza." He later said, he 
hoped to "finish my business so as return on Thursday. If 
vessel offers at the time and a fair wind, I may take that 
mode of conveyance." He again informed her from Al- 
bany of his painful detention there by the slow progress of 
the court, and of his extreme anxiety to be with her, and tells 
her he has written to her "by water to the care of Capt. 
Boyed." Being engaged in court in Poughkeepsie, he re- 
fers to the excessive heat and says: "I have resolved to mod- 
erate my movements which will unavoidably occasion delay. 
But my Betsy will prefer my staying somewhat longer to my 
seriously risking my health. The Vessel passed West Point 
in the night so that I shall have to make that visit on my re- 
turn. Have patience, my Angel & love me always as you 
have done. God bless you prays always yr aff. A. H." 

From Hudson he writes: "I am chagrined at the pros- 
pect of being detained longer than I expected. Our adver- 
saries have made strong efforts to postpone the cause to 
another circuit, and though defeated in this they have ob- 
tained a delay till Wednesday next. However disagreeable 
and inconvenient to me to stay, it is not possible for me in 
this situation to quit." This was probably during the Le 
Guen trial. 

What has been said of his modest idea of the value of his 
services which was shown in the Le Guen case may be again 
referred to. Moreover it would appear that he would not 
consent to ally himself with any case that was at all sus- 
picious, or in which his professional reputation might suffer. 
He evidently carried this very far if we may judge from the 
many endorsements to the applications that were made to 
him. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 189 

As an example of what is meant, the following incident 
may be related. One of his clients wrote to him in May, 
1796: 

Dear Sir: Wishing to have the benefit of your much 
esteemed counsel as a lawyer in important cases, if un- 
fortunately I should be hereafter involved in any, I have 
enclosed you my note for one thousand dollars, payable in 
five years at five per cent per annum, which I beg you to ac- 
cept with interest. 

This was endorsed by Hamilton: "Returned as being 
more than is proper. A. H." 

Many of his papers are also endorsed with comments 
which show that he would not accept employment if the in- 
terests of other clients could, in the least way, be affected by 
his action. In fact, he was punctilious to a degree in the 
matter of professional ethics. 

His ideas of compensation were certainly not extravagant, 
especially in the beginning of his career, although it is said 
his professional income was considerable before he accepted 
the Treasury portfolio. Legal compensation in those days 
was paltry compared with the charges of to-day, when the 
return from a single great case is likely to make the lawyer 
rich for the rest of his Hfe; but it must be remarked that the 
labors of a lawyer then were more conservative than they now 
are, and the modern pursuit of promotion was almost un- 
dreamed of. Specialties, too, were unknown. The hard- 
working lawyer of the latter part of the eighteenth century was 
as much at home in the criminal court as in the trial of civil 
actions, and it was not considered infra dig. to lend one's 
talents and efforts to the defence of an accused person, no 
matter how poor. It is somewhat curious to find, notwith- 
standing the dignity and conservatism of the practitioner of 



igo ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

those days, that even Hamilton was not above a retaining or 
conditional fee, as the following note will show: 

Johnathan Jackfon for Argument 

Barnett vs. Underwriters 
prepared and attending at Albany ^loo 
If succesfful an additional hundred. 

As a rule, his retaining fee in the many years of his prac- 
tice, and even afterward, was one pound sterling, although 
he received many yearly retainers, for his services as counsel 
to several corporations with which he was connected, of two 
hundred and fifty dollars and more. In 1782-5 his fees 
were much smaller than those he received at a later date, 
and in the years just before his death he made from twelve 
thousand to fourteen thousand dollars per annum. 

Some idea of his professional work and the sums re- 
ceived therefor may be derived from an inspection of a kind 
of journal or cash book to which reference has already been 
made. 

Receipts from practice ^ff disbursements. 

1783 May 30. Isaac Sears, a retainer in a caufe ex- 

pected to be commenced by Soderstrom 
against Sears & Smith, and advice thereon 
at various times £b. 0.0. 

1784 May I. Bank of New York To this fum paid 

Mr. Maxwell in part of a houfe purchafed on 
account of the bank 
1783 Sepr. 29. Manor of Renfelaerwick Drawing a 
memorial to the Legillature 

1785 Robert Bowne drawing a petition & refpecting 

rents to perfons within the Britifh line 
" Nov. 30. John Murray, Advice concerning the 

propriety of fuing a perfon in whofe hands 

goods were attached 
" Nov. 25. Isaac Mofes. Drawing a release of 

Dower 



150. 


0.0, 


£?>■ 


4.0, 


£1. 


lO.O, 


£^. 


lO.O, 


£2. 


0.0. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 191 

1785 Nov. Actually engrofing o. 0.8. 
" Aug. 30. Stephen Delancey. To dead charge 

on the circuit in Weftchefter to try your 
caufe being a critical caufe, and having 
fucceeded £20. 0.0, 

Aaron Burr. To one half the Tavern expense of 
a reference betv^een Dutcher & Vacher, paid 
summons 1.13.0. 

Johannes Hardenberg. To 9 days abfence to try 

your caufe at ;^5 per day. 45. 0.0. 

Retainers in fuits againft ten perfons at ;^i. 10 each 15. 0.0. 

Nov. 14. To this fum received by him of 

Truftees of Schenectady as a Retainer 5. 0.0. 

1786 Mar. 22. The agents of the Proprietors of Way- 

wayanda. To account for advice & fervices 
rendered this day Attending at Chefter and 
divers attendance at New^ York 150. 0.0. 

Nov. I. The Minifter of Spain to amount paid 

gaol-keepers fees affumed by me. 29.14.0. 

To advice & fervices as Counsel 37. 6.8. 

" Apr. I St. (Mofes Hazen) for drawing a fpecial 

indemnifying bond to fureties I. 0.0. 

1786 Henry & McClellan. Drawing memorial to 

Congrefs refpecting Canadian affairs. ;^i . lo.o. 

Executors of Defbrofs for arguing sucefsfuUy a 

Question on citation act. 10. 0.0. 

Aug. 10. Advice concerning Brandy left with 

you by Mr. Price i . lo.o. 

1787 Nov. 5. John J. Van Renfflaer. To caf h paid 

your draft on me in favour of Mr. Stevenfon 80. 
Aug. 30. Samuel Van Hyde. To council for at- 
tending circuit in your caufe with Mr. Willet 
on trying the caufe absent three days (travel- 
ing expenfes, &c. 10. 

1788 Rafael N. Smith, Surviving partner of Sears & 

Smith. To opinion concerning the eftate 
of Ifaac Sears I.IO 

" Oct. 8. Minister of United Netherlands Opin- 
ion concerning certain public certificate af- 
figned by Benjamin Esq., Inquiries at the 
Treafury &c . 3.4. 



192 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

1788 Oct. 10. Cash paid A. Burr, Esquire in full of 

your part of J. Lloyd vs B. Snethen. 

" Nov. 28. To Pintard draft of Controverfy with 

Mr. Shedden 3. 4,0. 

200 
" Draft in favor of B. Walker 100 Paid bank for a 

note endorfed by him 200. 

1795 Apr. 29. James Greenleaf opinion in divorce ^10. 

concernmg ;gio. 

Br. vefsel captured & recaptured by her crev7 ^10. 

subsequent advice at different times 15. 

Opinion on Revenue laws 20. 

" Ph. Schuyler & Afsociates Dr. to Cash $1514.18 

for this sum paid Peter Goelet the V4 part 
of a tract of 6761 acres sold by the Truftees 
of the American or Ringwood Iron Co. 
situate in Cosby 's manor payable in 4 
quarters payments, i down, 2d ist of April 
next 31 Octo'r next 4*^ ist April 1797. 

" Aug. 14th. Received from Fifher for opinion 

concerning conveyance of soldiers' rights 1^15. 

received from Van den Heuvel for opinion 
concerning abandonment 15. 

1796 Jan. Opinion for Mr. Keep regarding an opin- 

ion concerning a Gang Way 10. 

" Feb'y to Dr. Lenox for opinion concerning his 

marriage lO. 

" Mar. 17. For this fum received of, for opinion 
on two policies, one refpecting right of aban- 
donment of vefsel after acquittal & appeal, $20. 
The other refpecting cafe of infurance blockaded 
& for this fum received of Ouackenbufh & 
Ogilvie 20. 

" Letter to Th. Cazenove for opinion concerning 
act of Legiflature refpecting Land of Dutch 
Co.i 25. 

" July 2d & 20. Th. Cazenove for opinion & 
confultation with Judge Benfon & Mr. Jones 
concerning a certain act of legiflature. 

' Holland Company. 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 193 

1796 July II. Le Roy & Bayard for opinion refpect- 

ing conveyances from Robert Morris to 
Dutch Co. Guilder Mefser & Co. 5. 

Aug. 26. For attendance & trial of two eject- 
ments in Kings County. Thos. Ten Eyck 
for retainer Caracci who applied to me ^I5' 

Nov. 29. Le Roy & Bayard on act of Services 

relating to a sale of land to Aaron Burr.^ ^56. 

1797 Lunace Caufe $15. 
Cazenove ^500. 
Oct. 16. Difcounted with Aa. Burr by Oliver & 

Thompfon 50. 

" Oct. 24. Dutch Co. "for infpecting feveral 
papers refpecting power to James Wadfworth 
for a tract of land contracted for with A. 
Burr & Advice. 10 

. . 15 

Apr. 5. Henry Capt for defending him on two 

Indictments 50. 

Opinion in writing concerning money stipulated 

to Indians. 25. 

Bache for trying his cafe 50. 

1798 July 5. LeRoy & Bayard & McEvers for opin- 

ion concerning Truft for Certain Indians 10. 

Examination of Titles to a lot to be mortgaged to 

the Bank of N. Y., inspection of deeds, &c 20. 

Received retainer for United Infurance Co. for 

retainer for 1798 ^250. 

" May 2. Paid Col. Jay for part of fee in cafe of In- 
surance in Ship Grand Turk 1 25. 

Trinity Church for opinion in conjunction with 

Mr. Harrifon 50. 

" Rec'd 1234.44 from Le Guen Paid Col. Burr $290. 

May 9. For opinion concerning the Acts of 

Britif h Courts with diftricts comprehending 

the Weftern posts subfequent to Treaty of 

peace 50. 

" June 30. Wm. Conftable for attending at his 

houfe to draw his will. & drawing it ^50. 

^ This purchase is referred to repeatedly in Aaron Burr's " Journal." 



194 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

1798 Aug. 4. Edward Gould & fon for attendance 

twice on trials of the case of Ajtrea 100. 

" July term. Bill for argument & suceffully, for 

cauf e againf t Am. & Barn. 75* 

" July term. Arch. Gracie for arguing sucefsfuly 

the case of the Hercules lOO. 

" Dec. 18. For opinion to Mr. Cazenove con- 
cerning the effect of an attachment of Mr. 
R. Morris' property upon that conveyed to 
the Dutch Comp. etc. 10. 

" Dec. 24. Consultation on 24 with Mr. Troup 
& opinion concerning the question whether 
jpecie is to be conf idered as Merchandise 5. 

1799 Louis Le Guen for attending to the arrangement 

of his Marriage Contract 20. 

" July I. Alexander Macomb Dr. to Costs & 
fees, for opinion and advice refpecting for- 
geries of Arnold 20. 
Bank of N. Y. Retainer in cafe of Arnold 20. 
" United Ins. Co. retainer Trial & argument fee 

in the Cafe of the Mm^'rua ^75* 

Hallet & Jenks {^v'lgNancy) 

1800 May, for my services in their suit in Chancery 

refpecting lands of Sir William Johnson, 
various consultations arguing feveral col- 
lateral queftions arguing at final hearing & 
on appeal ^5°°* 

Ex. of Ph. Livingston for my fervices in their f uit 

with Jouet 500. 

An inspection of a large number of trial notes and briefs 
show^s that Hamilton prepared his cases with great care, in 
w^hich work he was usually unaided. His artistic hand- 
writing, as a rule, was fine, but often bold, attracting the eye 
in places by the underscoring of words. It varies but little 
in character. He was never careless, and the end of a brief 
was as legible as the beginning. He rarely, as has been 
pointed out, "crossed his t's," and never "dotted his i's,'* 
but was scrupulous in punctuation and arrangement, and 



^ ^x - wairm . 



WX" -Vy 






FAC-SIMILE OF TRIAL NOTES IN THE LE GUEN CASE 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 195 

his use of English was perfect. There is, in his briefs, great 
freedom from corrections, indicating that when he wrote 
anything it was well thought out and decided upon before- 
hand. The trial notes intended for his own use are most 
interesting, containing as they do frequent apt and pungent 
suggestions to be used in court, and are all orderly and 
free from redundancies. He never repeated himself, while 
his headings of subjects and lines of argument prepared to 
demolish his antagonist were progressive in their perti- 
nency and gained in force as he proceeded. In the LeGuen 
trial, the little duodecimo booklet of manuscript fastened 
together at the back with a needle and thread contains many 
curious reflections, among which are the following: 

"A man must have been a blockhead who would part 
with such a valuable lien knowingly," and again he says 
that it is *'the clearest case he ever met with. We could not 
expect that any judge would be unwilling to be wiser today 
than tomorrow." He insists that he "will want no books 
[to convince the jury] but will appeal to principle written 
in the heart of man." As a compliment to the judge, 
under the caption of "Politesse," he says, "This proves 
he did right to send it [the case] to a Jury," and again, 
"How necessary for those who sit in judgment, when Hfe, 
fame, &c is concerned to preserve their minds cold and dis- 
passionate." He observes satirically that there is much ex- 
tenuation. "Immoral acts are not always morally wrong." 
And that "persons habituated to deal where verbal contracts 
are not attended to, merit more loose in their conversation. 
They will hazard more with reason." He refers to his an- 
tagonists as the "dupes of their own virtues." 

He never went into court without a preparedness which is 
shown by the arsenal of authorities usually referred to in 
abbreviated titles, and enumerated on the left-hand side of 



196 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

the paper. Elsewhere we find long and very legible Latin 
quotations of which he might avail himself, as was the cus- 
tom of the day. 

In these times the progress of a trial Is often interrupted 
by a recess granted for the purpose of sending out to the 
library for an authority. No such thing occurred in the 
early history of our courts, If we may judge from Ham- 
ilton's notes, and it is probable that all the lawyers of the 
time followed his example. The chief works referred to are 
Vatel, Blackstone, Fonblanque, Burrowes, Atkyns, Lord 
Raymond, Coke, Comyns, Grotius. Among Hamilton's 
own law books were the standard folios, many of which are 
printed In Latin. One of his English books was "Prac- 
tice Commonplaced; or Rules and Cases of Practice in the 
Court Arranged, Etc.," by G. Crompton, which was pub- 
lished in London in 1783. A copy that recently found its 
way to an auction room bore his signature on each of ten 
pages, including the title-page and fly-leaf, with MS. notes 
on various other pages. This was one of his first books, 
bought by him in 1785 and used during his early years of 
practice. 

One may almost grasp and appreciate the mental opera- 
tions of Hamilton when he prepared his notes, for they to- 
day almost breathe his individuality. He freely uses the 
index mark, either singly or In multiple, to direct attention to 
points of varying importance which he Is to emphasize; again, 
there is not only curious underscoring, but words or sentences 
are printed in large letters or bracketed. There are inter- 
esting comments upon the veracity of the witnesses, and his 
opinions of them and these are not always complimentary. 
In one place he makes the note to "Speak rather lightly of 
Doctor Baker," a witness who seems to have been guilty of 
concocting a plan to palm off a baby upon the defendant in a 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 197 

breach of promise case, and, at the same time, evidently 
posed as a medical expert. In another case the competency 
of a man is considered who "was never conceived to be de- 
ranged, but at times he was a good deal in liquor." This 
gentleman, however, was by another witness regarded as 
"very rational and pretty sociable." 

Possibly, with the exception of Aaron Burr, no profes- 
sional associate of Hamilton in New York can be found 
who withheld from him the praise which his work merited, 
and the tributes to his genius have been most hearty 
and sincere. It would almost seem as if time strengthened 
the glory of his reputation, for with the lapse of years the 
rancor of political rivalry has been forgotten, and jurists 
everywhere to-day seem to be almost unanimous in admit- 
ting his greatness as one of the foremost of American lawyers.^ 
As an example I may quote James Brown Scott, a recent 
and most agreeable writer, who says,^ "He [Hamilton] had 
no past of his own; he settled in a country with none, and 
dreamed and planned of a future for himself and coun- 
try. . . . 

"And for the practice of law Hamilton was admirably 
fitted. In the matter of physical presence he was as favored 
as Lord Erskine, and he possessed a power of speech hardly 
inferior, it would seem, to the Scotchman. These are quali- 
ties not to be despised, but while they may make the verdict 
getter they do not make the lawyer. A knowledge of the 
history of the law added to the power of searching analysis 
and philosophic grasp are essential to the lawyer in the 

* It may be stated, however, that recently (1909) a congressman in the House, in 
objecting to an appropriation for a statue, not only minimized his abiUty as a lawyer, 
but declared his moral example to have been a very bad one for the youth of the 
country. 

^" Great American Lawyers," edited by William Draper Lewis. "Essay on 
Alexander Hamilton," by James Brown Scott, pp. 359, 369-372. 



198 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

scientific sense. In rounded completeness they make the 
jurist." 

Justice Ambrose Spencer, who presided in the Anscoll 
case, said some years after the duel: "Alexander Hamilton 
was the greatest man this country ever produced. I knew 
him well. I was in situations often to observe and study 
him. I saw him at the bar and at home. He argued cases 
before me while I sat as judge on the Bench. Webster has 
done the same. In power of reasoning, Hamilton was the 
equal of Webster; and more than this can be said of no man. 
In creative power Hamilton was infinitely Webster's su- 
perior." 

Chancellor James Kent, one of his dearest friends, wrote at 
one time: "He rose at once to the loftiest heights of professional 
eminence, by his profound penetration, his power of analy- 
sis, the comprehensive grasp and strength of his understand- 
ing, and the firmness, frankness, and integrity of his character. 
We may say of him, in reference to his associates, as was 
said of Papinian: 'Omnes longo post se intervallo reli- 
querit.'" And again: "I have been sensibly struck, in a 
thousand instances, with his habitual reverence for truth, 
his candor, his ardent attachment to civil liberty, his indig- 
nation at oppression of every kind, his abhorrence of every 
semblance of fraud, his reverence for justice, and his sound, 
legal principles drawn by a clear and logical deduction from 
the purest Christian ethics, and from the very foundations 
of all rational and practical jurisprudence. He was blessed 
with a very amiable, generous, tender, and charitable dis- 
position, and he had the most artless simplicity of any man 
I ever knew. It was impossible not to love as well as respect 
and admire him. ... He was perfectly disinterested. The 
selfish principle, that infirmity too often of great as well as 
of little minds, seemed never to have reached him. It was 



HAMILTON, THE LAWYER 199 

entirely incompatible with the purity of his taste and the 
grandeur of his ambition. Everything appeared to be at 
once extinguished, when it came in competition with his de- 
votion to his country's welfare and glory. He was a most 
faithful friend to the cause of civil liberty throughout the 
world, but he was a still greater friend to truth and justice." 
In Coleman's history of the duel and funeral, numerous 
newspaper articles from the press of those days of persons 
who had, during his lifetime, been both friends and foes are 
recorded. None of them is more touching than the tribute 
of Croswell, in whose behalf Hamilton had appeared, and 
to which reference has elsewhere been made. Croswell was 
then the editor of the Balance, and after the duel said : " From 
the editor of this paper something more is due to the departed 
Hamilton than common panegyric and general encomium. 
This, a whole nation is bound to bestow — this, not a citizen 
of America seems disposed to withhold. But to me he once 
rendered unequalled service, apart from that rendered to his 
country generally. In my defence, and in defence of the 
American press, he once exerted his unrivalled eloquence. 
In my cause, this greatest of men made his mightiest effort — 
an effort which might have palsied the uplifted hand of 
power; an effort which might have carried terror to the 
bosom of a tyrant. For this service, voluntarily rendered, 
I owed him a debt of gratitude which never could be can- 
celled — never diminished. But, by offering my feeble aid to 
the support of principles which he advocated, I hoped, at 
least, to show my sense of the obligation under which I was 
laid, by his disinterested exertions. Alas! he is gone — and I 
have only returned him the professions of my gratitude. 
But 'His fame is left' — dear as my blood; my life shall he 
devoted to its protection! " 



CHAPTER VIII 

FAMILY LIFE 

When Hamilton left the army he diligently studied law, 
and in a few months felt himself able to take up a new and ^ 
congenial profession. To one of his warmest friends he 
wrote : 

Alexander Hamilton to Richard K. Meade^ 

Albany, August 27, 1782. 

... As to myself, I shall sit down in New York when it 
opens; and this period, we are told, approaches. No man 
looks forward to a peace with more pleasure than I do, 
though no man would sacrifice less to it than myself, if I 
were not convinced the people sigh for peace. — I have been 
studying the law for some months, and have lately been 
licensed as an attorney. I wish to prepare myself by Oc- 
tober for examination as a counsellor; but some public avo- 
cation may possibly prevent me. I had almost forgotten to 
tell you, that I have been pretty unanimously elected, by the 
Legislature of this State, a member of Congress, to begin to 
serve in November. I do not hope to reform this State, 
although I shall endeavor to do all the good I can. 

God bless you, 

A. Hamilton. 

Robert Morris had, however, been so impressed with 
Hamilton's mental qualities and great energy that in May, 
1782, he appointed him receiver of the Continental taxes in 

' " Hamilton's Works " (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 298. 
200 



FAMILY LIFE 201 

the State of New York, a position which proved to be a 
thankless and uphill job. It would appear that he ac- 
cepted the office only after continued urging, and remained 
a congressman at the same time. So in debt was the country 
then that it was spoken of as a "bankrupt Confederation." 
His friend, Chancellor Livingston, smarting under his own 
excessive taxation, thus wrote to Hamilton at a later time : 

Robert R. Livingston to Alexander Hamilton 

Clermont, 5th March, 1787. 

I received your information relative to the law for dividing 
the district. I am much obliged by your attention to that 
object. While I condole with you on the loss of the im- 
post, I congratulate you on the laurels you acquired in 
fighting its battles. I see you are making some progress in 
the new system of taxation, but I could hardly credit my 
eyes when I saw Jones opposed to the clause for a tax on 
houses, since if I am not extreamly deceived I heard him 
commend to you your ideas on that subject at a law dinner. 
Be very tender on the point of taxation. I am convinced no 
direct tax of any importance can be raised. The minds of 
the people in this part of the state are sore and irritable — 
The Collectors are all disturbed upon not being able to col- 
lect the quota of the ^^50,000 tax. Indeed the improvi- 
dent grants of money both in this and Dutchess County for 
the building of Court Houses and the collection of arrears 
all within six months have fallen extreamly heavy. You 
will be astonished when I tell you that my tax in this past 
year upon an estate which has never produced me ;^400 per 
annum is upwards of ;^6oo in certificate and ^^260 specie, in- 
cluding arrears of one year and one year's arrears when I 
lived in Philadelphia and was not an inhabitant of this State. 
I shall endeavor to make my stay here useful by effecting 
some changes in the representation which I have good hopes 
of accomplishing in Dutches County. When I have con- 
versed with most of the leading people at this end of it who 



202 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

agree with me in thinking a change necessary, the County 
will I think remove five of their old members. 

I expect that this will produce some attack on me or my 
salary by those who know I am opposed to them. All I 
expect for my friends will be that they do not suffer such 
reductions to be made as will be dishonourable to [illegible]. 
A liberal and honourable appointment such as would en- 
able me to live as I would wish constantly in New York I 
cannot expect it from the prevailing party. 

Hamilton was elected to Congress in November, 1782, 
and held this office for a year, meanwhile studying and act- 
ing as Receiver of Taxes. When he finally devoted himself to 
law, he did not entirely relinquish his other affairs, for his in- 
terest in the young government was incompatible with more 
selfish concerns, so that from 1786, when he took part in the 
Annapolis Convention, to May, 1787, when the new conven- 
tion was called to meet in Philadelphia, his practice was of 
secondary moment. In his own State he fairly lashed the 
obstructionists into line, the rout of Clinton and his follow- 
ers taking place at the meeting in Poughkeepsie, and as a 
result he, with Yates and Lansing, were sent to Congress as 
delegates. 

Hamilton lived in New York most of the time, and after his 
triumph in securing the adoption of the Constitution by his 
own State received the great ovation which his talents and 
labor had merited. The Federalists at first were by no 
means in harmony, and Clinton and his faction were loath 
to accept a new plan of government which would interfere 
with the exercise of local power and the continuance of ex- 
isting privileges. Hamilton, almost alone, fought the ma- 
jority, and by sheer endurance and obstinacy and unan- 
swerable arguments won over many of his most stubborn 
adversaries. He did what was necessary to stir up public 



FAMILY LIFE 203 

opinion and to bring all disorderly and warring elements 
into unity, so that the Constitution was ratified and New 
York tardily came into line in favor of a National Govern- 
ment. The victory was nowhere more appreciated than in 
his own State, and a great Federal parade and celebration 
took place in New York City, a miniature full-rigged ship 
being carried through the streets, which was typical of the 
Federal party, and bore the name "Hamilton." 

The depleted condition of the Treasury at this time, and the 
same causes that led the unruly troops to rebel at an earher 
period, must have existed to some extent throughout Ham- 
ilton's early tenure of office. His cash-books certainly in- 
dicate that he was practically obliged to equip his company 
of artillery out of his own pocket, and it is probable that he 
was helped by others, for he had no money, or at least very 
little. When he first had time to keep accounts, we find 
this borne out by various entries, but usually on the credit 
side. 



204 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



MILITARY ACCOUNT 



Dr. State of New York. 



1784 To this sum lost in 1776 by the desertion from 

the Company, by which stoppages be- 
came impossible as per Memorandum 
Book No. 3. 
To this sum paid Mr. Thompson Taylor by 
Mr. Chaloner on my acct. for making 
Cloathes for the said Company. 

1785 To ballance of Alsop Hunt and James Hunt's 
May 9, account for leather Breeches supplied the 

Company per receipts. 

1786 To account of my expenses to Baltimore as \ 
Sept. 26, Commissioner / 
June 7, Advanced door-keeper of the Assembly | 

forward / 
To amount of expenses to and at Philadelphia 

— I believe paid. To amount of An'^. 

N. Y, Massachusetts 
To my wages as delegate from 21st February 

when I commenced with Gansevoort to 

5th of May when he left the City. 
Deduct Omissions. 
From May 26 when sworn in with Yates to 14 \ 

June when went to Convention. / 

From 30 July when returned to Congress to | 

Oct. 2d when removed. / 

From Oct. 4th when attended at New House | 

to 1 6th when closed for want of Congress. / 



;^65.IO. 

34-I3-9- 
6. 8.7. 

20. — ■ 
112. — 



Contra 



By ballance of account for Sundries furnished 
my company of Artillery which was to 
have been deducted out of their pay. 

* Paid 



£7b.l%. 



FAMILY LIFE 205 

On September 13, 1789, when called to the Treasury, he 
still lived in New York, but later went to Philadelphia in 
August, 1790, where he resided until 1795, when he came 
back to his own city. After his resignation on the 31st of 
January, 1795, he went to the house of his father-in-law. 
General Schuyler, at Albany, and in the fall of that year re- 
turned to New York and again took up the practice of his 
profession. From a document, signed by Richard Varick, 
then the mayor of New York, in the Congressional Library, 
it is stated that he was extended the freedom of the city, and 
welcomed with great cordiality by all classes. On Feb- 
ruary 27, 1795, a banquet was given by the Chamber of 
Commerce to manifest its respect for Alexander Hamilton, 
the late Secretary of the Treasury. An account of the 
affair is thus given in a contemporary paper: 

A splendid Dinner was given at their Hall in the Tontine 
Coffee Houfe. 

The Corporation on the feftive occafion was honored by 
the Company of the Chancellor of the State, the Judges, the 
Speakers of the Afsembly, the Recorder of the City, the 
Prefident of Columbia College and many others prefent of 
which a great number were merchants. The company con- 
fisted of two hundred guefts, the room not being large enough 
to accommodate more. Great decorum as well as convivi- 
ality marked the entertainment, and the Company exprefsed 
peculiar satif faction in this opportunity of demonftrating their 
refpect for a man who by difcharging the duties of an impor- 
tant office, HAS DESERVED WELL OF HIS COUNTRY. A tOaSt 

was drunk as follows: 

1 . Prefident of the United States 3 cheers. 

2. The Vice Prefident and Congrefs .... " 

3. The Governor of the State " 

4. Agriculture 



2o6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

5. Commerce 3 cheers. 

6. Induftry and Improvement 

7. Liberty and Law 

8. Social order and social happinefs .... " 

9. The People of the United States Brothers of 

one Family 

10. General Wayne and the Army " 

11. National Credit " 

12. Integrity and Knowledge 

13. Patriotifm and Honeft Favour 

14. The Efteem of their Fellow Citizens an Inef- 

timable reward, to thofe who have deferved 
well of their country — 3 times 3 cheers. 

Volunteer Toasts. 

1. By the chair. The immortal memory of Baron Steuben. 

2. By Mr. Hamilton. The merchants of New York, may 

they never ceafe to have Honour for their commander, 
Skill for their Pilot and Succefs for their Port — 9 
cheers. 

3. By the Chancellor. May Love and Honour be the 

Reward of Virtue. 

4. By Judge Lanf ing. The Commerce of the City of New 

York. 

5. By Judge Benfon. The Honeft Merchant. 

After Mr. Hamilton had withdrawn. 
By the chair — Alexander Hamilton — 9 cheers. 

Hamilton, during the early years of his practice, lived at 

57 Wall Street before his removal to Philadelphia with 
the rest of the Cabinet. On his return in 1795 he occu- 
pied a small house at 56 Pine Street, and later moved to 

58 Partition Street* (now Fulton Street), then to Liberty 

' 1797-99. 



FAMILY LIFE 207 

Street, near Broadway. From there he went to 26 Broad- 
way,^ where he lived until 1802, when he built and occupied 
his country seat, nine miles above the city, which he called 
*'The Grange," after the Scotch home of his ancestors. 

From his letters to his wife at various times we find that 
she visited, in his absence, at the house of Dr. Cochran, 
as well as that of G. L. Ogden, at 69 Stone Street, and va- 
rious other places. 

When he lived at 26 Broadway, the west side of that thor- 
oughfare below Trinity Church was, with one exception, 
built up and occupied by well-to-do and prominent persons. 
This exception was a small gun-shop on the south-west cor- 
ner of Morris Street. On the east side all were private 
dwellings except two, one a shoemaker's shop at 28, and the 
other a small wooden house below that of Governor Jay. 
According to my uncle, James A. Hamilton, this was owned 
and occupied by Slidell, a German candle maker, the grand- 
father of John Slidell, who figured in the Civil War. This 
little man was often seen in the afternoon sitting on his 
wooden stoop, in apron and cap, smoking his pipe, with 
drip candles hanging in the window. 

New York, in 1786, was a city containing 24,000 white 
males, almost three times as many as there were in 1756; 
and in 1796, 50,000. The Dutch element preponderated 
up to the commencement of the eighteenth century, and this 
was especially the case during the early years of Hamilton's 
practice. Brissot de Warville made many pungent com- 
ments upon the manners of the community, and in 1794 
said: "Colonel Lamb, who was at the head of the Custom 
matters, envelopes all his operations in the most profound 
mystery, it is the effect of the Dutch spirit which still governs 

' The site of the present Standard Oil Building. 



2o8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

this City. The Dutchman conceals his gains and com- 
merce; he lives but for himself." And again: "If there is a 
town on the American Continent where the English luxury 
displays its follies, it is New York. You will find there the 
English fashions. In the dress of the women you will see the 
most brilliant silks, gauzes, hats, and borrowed hair. Equi- 
pages are rare but they are elegant. The men have more 
simpUcity in dress. They disdain gewgaws, but they take 
their revenge in the luxury of the table. Luxury forms 
already in this town a class very dangerous to society, I 
mean, bachelors. The expense of women causes matrimony 
to be dreaded by men." 

Angelica Church wrote from London, March 4, in this 
connection, to her sister: "I would write you an account of 
fashion, but I hear American ladies are at the head of every- 
thing that is elegant; give my love to Alexander, and tell him 
that some day when I am in very gay and witty humour I will 
write to him." 

When in Philadelphia Hamilton lived, for a part of the 
time, outside of the city at the Hills, where Robert Morris 
had his magnificent country estate, but before this at the 
south-west corner of Walnut and Third Streets. Although 
the Hamiltons did not stay very long at one place, the 
Schuyler homestead at Albany was always open to them, 
as well as to the various children of the General, and it seems 
to have been a refuge in time of trouble and illness. Chas- 
tellux described his meeting with Alexander Hamilton and 
the wife at the father-in-law's house, probably at the time 
when he was preparing himself for his profession. Among 
the other French travellers who visited the Schuylers during 
the Revolution, he thus speaks of the family: "It consisted 
of Mr. Schuyler, his second daughter, whose face is gentle 




WALL STREET IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 



FAMILY LIFE 209 

and pleasing; a Miss Peggy Schuyler, whose features were 
animated and interesting; and another charming daughter 
only eight years old, and of three boys, the oldest of whom 
is fifteen, and who are the finest chilciren possible, and 
then he is himself a man of about fifty, but already ailing 
and subject to gout. He has a considerable fortune, which 
will increase for he owns an immense extent of territory, but 
his talents and acquirements gain him greater respect than 
his wealth." General Schuyler always suffered from this dis- 
ease, which seems to have been the curse of his adult life, 
and there is scarcely one of the later letters written by him 
that does not contain some allusion to his sufferings and in- 
capacity. It seriously interfered with his various military 
campaigns, and more than one of his malignant enemies* 
had intimated that he made it an excuse for his reluctance 
to meet the enemy! It certainly led to his being carried 
upon the shoulders of men, or by more comfortable con- 
veyances, to the scene of his active operations in the north- 
eastern part of the State during the border operations. He 
gloomily writes to his daughter, July 28, 1795: "I have 
not drank any champaign since I experienced Its pernicious 
effects upon me — and shall not venture on It again." He 
also announces his intention of going to the Lebanon Springs 
for a cure. 

The children referred to by Chastellux and others grew 
up and married and went their various ways, none of them, 
however, achieving any great distinction. The daughters, 
especially Angelica, as has been said, were witty and attract- 
ive. Between Elizabeth Schuyler, her husband, and her 
brothers and sisters, there always existed a pleasant relation, 
but none of them entered into the intimate life of the Ham- 

' See "History of New York During the Revolutionary War," by Thomas Jones, 
vol. II. New York Historical Society, 1879. 



210 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ikons except General Schuyler/ Angelica Church, his 
daughter, and Philip, son of John Bradstreet Schuyler, who 
spent most of his early life with them. 

The children of Elizabeth and Alexander Hamilton were 
eight in number, the first Philip being born January 22, 
1782, while a second Philip came June 2, 1802, and was 
named after his elder brother, who had been killed in a duel 
the year before. Between these two were, 

Angelica, born September 25, 1784. 

Alexander, " May 16, 1786. 

James Alexander, " April 14, 1788. 
John Church, " August 22, 1792. 

William Stephen, " August 4, 1797. 
Eliza, " November 20, 1799. 

Philip, the first child, seems to have been the most be- 
loved and the most written and spoken about of all, for he 
was evidently the flower of the family. In a letter to Gen- 
eral Meade, from Philadelphia, dated March, 1782, when 
Hamilton had left the army and was preparing to take up 
his professional work, an amusing allusion is made to the 
birth of this child. 

* PHILIP SCHUYLER MARRIED CATHERINE VAN RENSSELAER 

Angelica, born February 22, 1756; married John Barker Church. 

EHzabeth, born August 7, 1757; married Alexander Hamilton. 

Margarita, born September 24, 1758; married Stephen van Rensselaer. 

Cornelia, born August i, 1761, died young. 

John Bradstreet, born October 8, 1763, died young. 

John Bradstreet, born July 23, 1765; married Elizabeth van Rensselaer. 

Philip Jeremiah, born January 20, 1768; married, i, Sarah Rutsen; married, 2, 

Mary A. Sawyer. 
Rensselaer, born January 29, 1773; married Eliza Ten Broeck. 
Cornelia, born December 22, 1776; married Washington Morton. 
Cortlandt, born May 15, 1778, died young. 
Catharine van Rensselaer, born February 20, 1781; married, i, Samuel Malcolm; 

married, 2, James Cochran. 




PHILIP HAMILTON (THE FIRST): AGE 20 



FAMILY LIFE 211 

Alexander Hamilton to Richard K. Meade^ 

PmLADELPHiA, March, 1782. 

A half hour since brought me the pleasure of your letter 
of December ist. It went to Albany, and came from thence 
to this place. I heartily felicitate you on the birth of your 
daughter, I can well conceive your happiness on that occa- 
sion, by that which I felt on a similar occasion. Indeed, the 
sensations of a tender father of the child of a beloved mother, 
can only be conceived by those who have experienced them. 

Your heart, my Meade, is peculiarly formed for engage- 
ments of this Kind. You have every right to be a happy 
husband — a happy father. You have every prospect of 
being so. I hope your felicity may never be interrupted. 
You cannot imagine how entirely domestic I am growing. 
I lose all taste for the pursuits of ambition. I sigh for noth- 
ing but the Company of my wife and my baby. The ties 
of duty alone, or imagined duty, Keep me from renouncing 
public life altogether. It is, however, probable I may not 
any longer be engaged in it. . . . 

Imagine, my dear Meade, what pleasure it must give 
Eliza and myself to Know that Mrs. Meade interests herself 
in us. Without a personal acquaintance, we have been long 
attached to her. My visit at Mr. Fitzhugh's confirmed my 
partiality. 

Betsy is so fond of your family that she proposes to form 
a match between her boy and your girl, provided you will 
engage to make the latter as amiable as her mother. 

Truly, my dear Meade, I often regret that fortune has 
cast our residence at Such a distance from each other. It 
would be a serious addition to my happiness if we lived 
where I Could see you every day; but fate has determined 
it otherwise. 

I am a little hurried, and can only request, in addition, that 
you will present me most affectionately to Mrs. Meade, and 
believe me to be. With the warmest 

And most unalterable friendship 

Yours A. Hamilton. 

» "Hamilton's Works " (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 298. 



212 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

On many occasions we find in letters that passed between 
his father-in-law and himself, as well as others, frequent 
references to the career of this promising boy, who, at the 
time of his death, was, evidently, dearer to Hamilton than 
any of his other children, and this feeling seems to have 
been shared by the family. Many years after the Meade 
letter Angelica Church wrote from London: 

"I have received with inexpressible pleasure your long 
letter, and thank my Eliza for the agreeable details respect- 
ing your children. PhiHp inherits his father's talents. What 
flattering prospects for a mother! You are, my dear sister, 
very happy with such a Husband and such promise in a son." 

Philip, like his father, had attended Columbia College, 
where he graduated with high honors in 1800, and was in- 
tended for the bar, but in a discussion with one George L 
Eacker regarding a political matter, a challenge passed be- 
tween them, and the young man, who was less than twenty, 
fell November 23, 1801, at the same place where Hamilton 
himself met his death three years later. It would appear 
that, like his father, he too was forced into an encounter 
which was in conflict with all his principles. 

Many accounts of the circumstances which led to the af- 
fair have been given, but none of these are capable of veri- 
fication, although the most probable is the one which states 
that the quarrel grew out of a Fourth-of-July speech made 
by Eacker in praise of Burr, and in which he incidentally 
reflected upon Alexander Hamilton. 

In the duel, which was fought at three o'clock in the 
afternoon, Philip received a mortal wound, but lingered on 
until the morning of the next day. 

The event attracted a great deal of newspaper discussion, 
and as at that time the American Citizen and General Adver- 
tiser was bitterly inimical to Hamilton, it was its endeavor to 



FAMILY LIFE 213 

show that his son was to blame. The Evening Posty how- 
ever, took the ground that the affair was due to the intoler- 
able provocation of Eacker. It appears from this description 
that Philip Hamilton and a young man named Price were at 
the theatre in a box adjoining that of Eacker, and that they 
indulged in satirical comments upon a Fourth-of-July oration. 
Eacker, overhearing them, invited the young men to step 

into the lobby, and called some one a d d rascal. They 

adjourned to a public house, where an explanation was de- 
manded, and when asked whom the offensive expression was 
meant for, he declared that it was intended for each. As 
they parted Eacker said, "I shall expect to hear from you," 
when they replied, "You shall." A challenge followed. 
Eacker met Price on the following Sunday, and four shots 
were exchanged without harm to any one. The seconds in- 
terfered, and the parties left the field. On the next day 
Hamilton met Eacker, and received a shot through the body 
at the first discharge, and fell without firing. 

Angelica Church wrote to her brother, who was in Albany: 
" His [Hamilton's] conduct was extraordinary during this trial. 
I cannot reach particulars now, my sister is a little composed, 
and the corpse will be removed from my house within an 
hour." About two weeks afterward General Schuyler 
wrote : 

Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Albany, Dec. 6, 1801. 

My dearly beloved and Amiable Child: I trust that 
resignation to the Divine Will has so far tranquillized your 
mind as to mitigate the severity of the anguish which has 
been inflicted on you and all of us. It ought my beloved 
child to afford us much consolation that our dear departed 
child afforded such decided evidence of his aversion to shed- 
ding of blood, that he pursued every measure which propri- 



214 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ety and prudence could dictate to avoid it, that thus he has 
left this life without seeking or even wishing to take away that 
of his intemperate adversary, and that we have reason to 
trust that by the unbounded mercy of his Creator, his Spirit 
is in the realms of Eternal bliss. 

In a letter to my Dear Hamilton, I urged him to bring 
you with him to us, I must reiterate the request to you my 
Dear Child that I may have the consolation of embracing 
you, of mingling my tears with yours and with Hamilton, 
and then by comforting each to dry them. 

I suggested measures for this Journey since which have 
reflected if there should be no sledging that It would be better 
to send my strong horses to your Brother's at Rynbeck with 
my Coachman to relieve your horses, but If there should be 
sledging, I will send my covered Sled and horses to your 
Brothers and then your Coaches may be left there — but I 
ought to be advised in time of the day on which you will 
probably leave New York. 

Your Coach is sufficiently roomy to bring the nurse and the 
three younger children with you which will add greatly to our 
satisfaction. 

Adieu my Dear Love — Your Mama and sister unite with 
all in love to you, your Hamilton and the dear Children and 
in prayers that every blessing of which mortality is suscep- 
tible of may be yours and theirs. 

I am my dearly beloved Child, 

Most tenderly & affectionately yours 

Ph. Schuyler. 

Hamilton never fully recovered from this loss, for the ca- 
reer of the young man had been his pride, and he had high 
hopes that he would, eventually, take up his own work. 
Letters from Talleyrand and many friends speak of this, 
and all condoled with him later. 

But few of Philip Hamilton's letters to his father are pre- 
served, and these show that a most affectionate sympathy 
existed between the two, for the father, despite his absorp- 



FAMILY LIFE 215 

tion in public affairs, and the demands upon his time which 
were constantly being made by others, conducted his boy's 
education, giving him frequent hints in regard to the selec- 
tion of studies, and the manner in which he should Hve, and a 
set of rules for the guidance of the son after his graduation 
from Columbia, when he was preparing for his chosen pro- 
fession. These were: 

RULES FOR MR. PHILIP HAMILTON 

From the first of April to the first of October he is to rise 
not later than six o'clock; the rest of the year not later than 
seven. If earlier, he will deserve commendation. Ten 
will be his hour of going to bed throughout the year. 

From the time he is dressed in the morning till nine o'clock 
(the time for breakfast excepted), he is to read law. At 
nine he goes to the oflice, and continues there till dinner- 
time. He will be occupied partly in writing and partly in 
reading law. 

After dinner he reads law at home till five o'clock. From 
this time till seven he disposes of his time as he pleases. 
From seven to ten he reads and studies whatever he pleases. 

From twelve on Saturday he is at liberty to amuse himself. 

On Sunday he will attend the morning church. The rest 
of the day may be applied to innocent recreations. 

He must not depart from any of these rules without my 
permission. 

Several years before he entered Columbia, when PhiHp 
was a small lad at school, the father wrote to him: 

Alexander Hamilton to his son Philips 

Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1791. 
I received with great pleasure, my dear Philip, the letter 
which you wrote me last week. Your mama and myself 
were very happy to learn that you are pleased with your situ- 

^ Hamilton's " Reminiscences," p. 4. 



2i6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ation, and content to stay as long as shall be thought best for 
you. We hope and believe that nothing will happen to alter 
this disposition. Your teacher also informs me that you re- 
cited a lesson the first day you began very much to his satis- 
faction. I expect every letter from him will give me a fresh 
proof of your progress, for I know you can do a great deal if 
you please, and I am sure you have too much spirit not to 
exert yourself, that you may make us every day more and 
more proud of you. You remember that I engaged to send 
for you next Saturday, and I will do it, unless you request me 
to put it off, for a promise must never be broken, and I will 
never make you one which I will not fill as far as I am able, 
but it has occurred to me that the Christmas holidays are 
near at hand, and I suppose your school will then break up 
for a few days and give you an opportunity of coming to stay 
with us for a longer time than if you should come on Satur- 
day. Will it not be best, therefore, to put off your journey 
till the holidays ^ But determine as you like best, and let 
me know what will be most pleasing to you. A good night 
to my darling son.'* 

Six years later Philip wrote to the father, who was then at 
Albany, a letter which appears to have been sent from 
Columbia College, and it suggests that he possessed some of 
the mental traits of his father. 



Philip Hamilton to Alexander Hamilton 

April 21, 1797. 

Dear Papa: I just now received the enclosed letter from 
Grandpa [Schuyler], in answer to a letter I wrote to him, 
in which he has enclosed to me three receipts for shares in 
the Tontine Tavern, amounting to ;i(^ioo. I have given the 
receipts to Mama. I delivered my speech to Dr. Johnson 
to examine. He has no objection to my speaking; but he 
has blotted out that sentence which appears to be the best 
and most animated in it; which is, you may recollect it — 



FAMILY LIFE 217 

"AmericanSy you have fought the battles of mankind; you 
have enkindled that sacred fire of freedom which is now," and 
so forth. 

Dear Papa, will you be so good as to give my thanks to 
Grandpapa for the present he made me, but above all for the 
good advice his letter contains — w^hich I am very sensible 
of its being extremely necessary for me to pay particular at- 
tention to, in order to be a good man. I remain your most 
affectionate son. 

P. S. You will oblige me very much by sending back the 
letter I have enclosed to you. 

The careers of the other sons were, in a measure, com- 
monplace. Little remains to show that they ever distin- 
guished themselves. If an exception can be made, it is in 
the case of James Alexander Hamilton who, in his Reminis- 
cences, referred to elsewhere, sketches the active part he 
took in the adjustment of various delicate diplomatic affairs 
during the administration of Andrew Jackson and Martin 
Van Buren. 

Alexander, the second son, was graduated from Columbia 
in 1804, and he, too, became a lawyer, but went abroad and 
joined the Duke of Wellington's army, then in Portugal, where 
he acquired a military training and some of the strategical 
methods of the great English general. Previous to the war 
of 1 8 12 he came home, became a captain of infantry, and 
served with his father's old friend. General Morgan Lewis. 
After the war he supported himself by his profession, and in 
1822 became a United States district attorney of New York, 
as well as land commissioner. He finally became identi- 
fied with the development of real estate in New York City. 

James Alexander also graduated from Columbia in 1805, 
was an officer in the war of 18 12, and was made Secretary 
of State ad interim by Andrew Jackson in 1829. ^^ ^^^' 



2i8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

sequently became United States district attorney for the 
southern district of New York, and was later engaged in im- 
portant diplomatic work. 

The fourth son, John Church, named after the husband 
of his Aunt Angelica, after his graduation at Columbia in 
1809, also studied law and took part in the war of 1812, and 
it was he who prepared his father's papers for publication. 

The fifth son, William Stephen, after entering West 
Point, served in the Black Hawk War, and afterward went 
to the Far West, where httle is known of him except that he 
died in California. 

Philip, the youngest, was but two years old at the time of the 
duel with Burr, and is often referred to as ''little Phil." He 
studied law in New York, and for a time was assistant United 
States district attorney, under his brother James, and 
achieved considerable distinction by the able manner in 
which he tried and convicted the celebrated pirate Gibbs, 
who was hanged on Bedloe's Island. 

The grandfather wrote to his daughter shortly before the 
birth of this last baby. 

Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Albany, August 23, 1802. 

My dearly beloved and Amiable Child: How your 
endearing attentions rivet you continually to my heart. May 
the loss of one be compensated by another Philip. May 
his virtues emulate those which graced his brother, and may 
he be a comfort to parents so tender and who have endeared 
themselves to theirs. 

A long absence has prevented my attention to my private 
affairs. I hope soon to arrange these, and propose a visit 
to you, but I believe it can not be until after the Supreme 
Court in this City. ... I hope you keep Your Children 
as much as possible in the country, as the city at this season 




PHILIP HAMILTON (THE SECOND), "LITTLE PHIL": 
AGE 78 



FAMILY LIFE 219 

is generally injurious to the health of Children, especially 
as they can with so much facility indulge with fruit and fre- 
quently with that which is unripe. — Embrace them all for us. 
They all share with You and My Dear Hamilton in our Love. 
Adieu My Dear Child. May those blessings which are the 
portion of the virtuous attend You all is the prayer of Your 
Affectionate parent 

MTj -K Ph. Schuyler. 

rs. Hamilton. 

There was a great difference between the ages of the 
daughters. Angelica, a very beautiful girl, was born shortly 
after her father's residence in New York City after the peace. 

She was evidently a charming character and very much 
like the aunt after whom she was named, being clever and 
talented. She seems to have had good musical training, and 
this lady frequently speaks of her in her letters from London. 
"Adieu, my dear Eliza," wrote Angelica Church in 1796, "I 
shall bring with me a Governness who understands music 
pretty well, she will be able to instruct Angelica and Eliza." 

Upon receipt of the news of her brother's death in the 
Eacker duel, she suffered so great a shock that her mind be- 
came permanently impaired, and although taken care of by 
her devoted mother for a long time there was no amelioration 
in her condition, and she was finally placed under the care of 
Dr. MacDonald of Flushing, and remained in his charge 
until her death at the age of seventy-three. During her 
latter life she constantly referred to the dear brother so nearly 
her own age as if alive. Her music, that her father used to 
oversee and encourage, stayed by her all these years. To 
the end she played the same old-fashioned songs and minu- 
ets upon the venerable piano that had been bought for her, 
many years before, in London, by Angelica Church, during 
her girlhood, and was sent to New York through a friend 
of her father. She survived her mother by two and a half 



220 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

years. The younger daughter, with whom the mother 
Hved in her old age, and at whose house she died, in Wash- 
ington, seems to have been a woman of a great deal of 
strength of mind. 

Although all of Hamilton's sons marked out for them- 
selves legal or military careers, it cannot be said that any 
one, in a conspicuous way, resembled his father. 

William did not marry, but sought a frontier life, and oc- 
casionally returned to see his mother and brothers. He 
first went to that part of the Northwest which is now Wis- 
consin, and in 1837, when in her eightieth year, Mrs. Hamil- 
ton made the long journey to see him. She wrote, on her 
way to my father, as follows: 

Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton 

March 19, 1837. 

My dear Son: I wrote to your Brothers of my continued 
health. I am now on the Ohio quite well, at Pitsburgh I 
was visited by Mr. Ross^ the friend of your Father. He la- 
ments the state of our country, and fears his efforts will not 
be of the duration that good minds wish. 

The Director of the Bank, he informed me, saw your 
Brother's letter and immediately determined not to issue 
specie. As soon as the Bank opened they were required to 
make a payment in specie to a considerable amount by per- 
sons that had been travelling night and day.^ Pittsburgh is a 
considerable town on the junction of three rivers, no beauty 
but good Buildings, gloomy from the use of coal. I shall 
write you from Cincinnati where I shall be today. Adieu! 
write to me and let me know how Angelica is. 
Your Affectionate Mother, 

E. Hamilton. 

• John Ross, United States Senator, 1794-97. Active in suppressing the Whiskey 
Insurrection. 
^ Probably a reference to the great panic of that year. 



FAMILY LIFE 221 

Later she wrote: 

Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton 

Mississippi, May 23, 1837. 

My dear Son: I have passed the Ohio, the river is very 
spacious, but very difficult of navigation, the shores beauti- 
ful and the vessel approaching the shore at the distance of 
one dozen feet; no w^harf, the w^ater is so mixed with clay 
that it is not drinkable without wine. This evening we shall 
be at St. Louis on the Mississippi. Our passage will be 
tedious as we go against the stream. Let me hear from 
you, particularly respecting Angelica and all the family. 

Your affectionate mother 

Elizabeth Hamilton. 

And again: 

Mrs. Alexander Hamilton to Philip Hamilton 

I thank you My Dear Son for yours of the fifteenth. I 
hope you may have leisure and the opportunity to have the 
Speach of your beloved Father copied. Solicit it most 
anxiously, and if that won't do request it as a favour for me. 
Hire a person to copy it and let me be at the expense. How 
desirous must you be to see all given to the publisher that 
your father has done for our country. 

I wish you to make inquiry where the location is to be made 
and when this is the last of your father's services of the grant 
of land.* I am quite recovered. I wish you may see some 
of General Washington's family and that you go to Mount 
Vernon. Adieu. Your Brothers are all well, 

Every Blessing attend you prays 
Your Affectionate Mother 

Elizabeth Hamilton. 

New York, February 21, 1839. 

' a certificate for a section of land was awarded Hamilton by the United States 
for military service, but he never took advantage of this allotment. 



222 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Very few of the children presented any of the father's 
dominant attractions. William Stephen, however, must 
have been a winning character. He certainly possessed a 
great deal of his father's personal beauty, and much of his 
charm of manner, but it is said that he was unconventional 
and something of a wanderer. 

The youngest son, Philip, also manifested much of his 
father's sweetness and happy disposition, and was always 
notably considerate of the feelings of others, and was punc- 
tilious to a fault in his obligations. In his old age he devoted 
much of his time to helping others in many quiet ways, and 
no one came to him in vain for advice or such material help 
as he could afford. Born at a time when his mother was in 
great poverty, he was denied those advantages accorded to 
his elder brothers, and had, in every sense, to make his own 
way. He had no college education, but studied law with one 
of his brothers; had a hard, up-hill professional life, and died 
comparatively poor. Much of his time was given up to un- 
selfish acts, and the number of his poor clients, especially 
those who followed the sea, was very great. 

James A. Hamilton described the family life in New York 
when he and his brothers and sisters were children.* "I dis- 
tinctly recollect," he says, "the scene at breakfast in the 
front room of the house in Broadway. My dear mother 
seated, as was her wont, at the head of the table with a nap- 
kin in her lap, cutting slices of bread and spreading them 
with butter, while the younger boys, who, standing at her 
side, read in turn a chapter in the Bible or a portion of 
Goldsmith's 'Rome.' When the lessons were finished the 
father and the elder children were called to breakfast, after 
which the boys were packed off^ to school." 

During the time that Hamilton was Secretary of the Treas- 

' Hamilton's " Reminiscences," p. 3. 



FAMILY LIFE 223 

ury and when he lived in Philadelphia, his family worries 
were increased by reason of the menace of yellow fever, 
which seems to have been prevalent. As the result of the 
absence of all needful sanitary precautions and ignorance of 
the disease, we find that this scourge flourished in Philadelphia 
to an alarming extent during the latter part of the eighteenth 
century. It was sometimes given its familiar name, and 
again spoken of as the "plague." Nothing could be more 
pitiful than Robert Morris's description of its invasion of 
the debtors' prison, where he was confined, which was known 
as "Prune Street." Not only the corridors, but every avail- 
able space was filled with coffined bodies, and the prisoners 
were dying like sheep. ^ Hamilton and his family were 
exposed, and it is said that some of them were stricken, but 
all managed to recover. The alarming extent of the dis- 
ease upon several occasions practically led to the abandon- 
ment of Philadelphia by those who could afford to go. After 
leaving their house in that city, the Hamilton family first 
went to the hills and [then to Albany, but for a time were 
quarantined outside of the limits of the latter place. 

Previous to this time the Schuylers devised measures to 
lessen the danger of contagion and to remove the children 
to a healthier spot, and when the danger became alarm.ing 
this was done. Later they prevailed upon the Hamiltons to 
join their children. In the following letter the "little one" 
referred to is John Church Hamilton who was then more 
than a year old. 

' One writer whose book bears the title of " Occasional Writings on the Yellow 
Fever. Addresses to Those Who have not Forgotten what has Happened Within 
a Few Years Among their Friends and Fellow Citizens, by a Philadelphian," pre- 
sents tables showing the enormous death-rate up to 1802. Upon the authority of 
Benjamin Johnson, 13,394 persons were buried in "Potter's Field" in that city from 
August I to November 9, 1793. 



224 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Albany, Sundy i6, 1793. 

My dearly beloved Child: I feel that It will give you 
pain to be deprived for some time longer of the pleasure of 
embracing your Dear Children, but the reasons assigned in 
my letter to my Dear Hamilton are such as I trust your good 
sense will acquiesce in, — especially when you reflect what 
additional anxiety I should be exposed to If the Children 
were with you before It is fully ascertained that all danger 
from the dreadful disorder is at an end. — 

The tenderness and affection which your Dear Children 
evince for us every moment of the day, their docility, the 
health they enjoy are so many sources of happiness to their 
parents and to us. The little one strives to articulate, he 
will soon succeed, he walks from one end of the hall to the 
other with ease, — eats well, and is the most lively of children. 

Your Dear Mama and all the family join me in love, — I 
hope you are still at fair Hill, and that you will remain there 
at least until the result is known from the return of the in- 
habitants who had left the city during the prevalence of the 
calamity. 

Adieu My beloved Child, the best blessings and warmest 

prayers of Your affectionate parents attend you. 

Yours ever affectionately, 

,, TT M Ph. Schuyler. 

Mrs. Hamilton. 

General Schuyler's solicitude for the comfort of his daugh- 
ter and her children led him, at this time, to devise means 
for alleviating their distress, and to bring them to the family 
home in a Hudson River sloop where they would be safe. 
In those days the passage from New York to Albany was 
really in the nature of a voyage. In 1732 a certain Dr. 
Alexander Hamilton,^ whose travels took him to Albany, 

* "Hamilton's Itinerarium, being a Narrative of a Journey," etc., etc., by Dr. 
Alexander Hamilton. Edited by A. B. Hart, LL.D., printed for private distribu- 
tion in 1907. Bixby Publications. 



FAMILY LIFE 225 

devoted a week to the journey and graphically pictures the 
discomforts of the sloop, which was the only method of con- 
veyance, and this he does as one would nowadays refer to a 
transatlantic trip. Fifty years later Hamilton himself, in 
letters to his wife, speaks of the miserable and comfortless 
pilgrimages and the dirty and crowded little vessels, which 
were often obliged to lie to under the lea of the Highlands to 
await changes in the weather and tide. 

The next autumn General Schuyler again wrote to Mrs. 
Hamilton, urging her to leave Philadelphia. 

Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton 

N. York, Monday, Sept. 29, 1794. 

My dearly beloved Child: Reports confirm the former 
accounts that the Yellow fever prevails in Philadelphia. I 
must therefore and most earnestly repeat my request that 
You leave the city immediately, and as you may be exposed 
to inconveniences on your journey I wish you to go to some 
decent tavern on the road towards New York. At the Mac- 
leroys at Bristol if possible and as soon as you receive this to 
write me, and if You are determined to come away I will 
set out on Friday with a Stage Wagon which I shall especially 
engage to bring You, the Children and Servants over. If 
you have not two horses, to bring your Carriage, bring at 
least Your Chair as you will travel with more ease in that 
than in the Waggon. — Pray fail not to write immediately 
on receipt of this, and if the post should be already come 
away, send Your letter by some person coming in the Stage, 
and a copy of It by post — God bless You my Amiable and 
beloved Child. Embrace the Children for me. 
Yours affectionately, 

Ph. Schuyler. 

Mrs. Hamilton. 



226 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

As we know, the fever made its appearance in New York 
as well in 1795, and Mrs. Hamilton's sister Angelica wrote to 
her: 

November the 24, 95. 
I implore you my dear Eliza to write to me, there are letters 
in town so late as the 10'' October from New York. I have 
not a line, and a dreadful fever rages there, and you and 
yours are there, if you knew what I suffer you would write to 
relieve a thousand apprehensions — Adieu my Dear Sister. 
I embrace you with tendrest 

affection. Yours A. Church. 

Hamilton, whose many-sided genius found expression in 
various ways, suggested the cold-water treatment,^ which, in 
later years, has been again adopted not only for this disease, 
but for all toxemic conditions with high temperature. He 
thus wrote to his wife upon this subject: 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Rye 30 Miles from New York, 
Tuesday Even. 

I am arrived here my Dear Eliza in good health, but 
very anxious about my Dear Child. I pray heaven to re- 
store him and in every event to support you. — If his fever 
should appear likely to prove obstinate, urge the Physician 
to consider well the propriety of trying the cold bath — I 
expect it will, if it continues, assume a nervous type, and in 
this case I believe the cold bath will be the most efficacious 
remedy — but still do not attempt it without the approbation 
of the Physician. Alas my Betsy how much do I regret to 
be separated from you at such a juncture. When will the 
time come that I shall be exempt from the necessity of leav- 
ing my dear family. God bless my beloved and all my dear 
Children. A. H. 

Mrs. Hamilton. 

' Neglected and forgotten in those days, aUhough one of the oldest therapeutic 
agents known in medicine. 



FAMILY LIFE 227 

The Churches went twice to England, where their life was 
evidently most delightful, surrounded, as they seem to have 
been, by all the distinguished people of the day; but although 
John Church took an active part in public affairs, and be- 
came a member of Parliament, his wife was always most 
intensely patriotic, and yearned for America and her family. 
At a time when a return to America seemed impossible she 
wrote from Yarmouth, England, to Mrs. Hamilton: "You 
and my dear Hamilton will never cross the Atlantic, I shall 
never leave this Island and as to meeting in heaven — there 
will be no pleasure in that." 

When in this country she wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton 
from Philadelphia at the time Congress was sitting, and 
when Hamilton was Secretary of the Treasury: 

Philadelphia, Tuesday Morning 
[about 1793] 

You will hear with pleasure, my dear Eliza that our Kitty 
is much better, she is going to a ball this evening, her danc- 
ing has been so much praised that I fear she will give more 
disappointment than pleasure. My brother ^ seemed very 
sad yesterday, and when I questioned him, I was sorry to 
find little William's health to be the cause of his dejection, 
his sensibility suffers from the least anxiety to you or your 
babes, is Miss Pretty less firm in her manner and does An- 
gelica see her Cousin often t 

During her absence in Europe in 1787 several of her girl 
friends were married, and in writing to her sister she said: 
"Amongst all the distresses that distract my poor country I 
am happy to hear that celibacy is not one of the number." 
Several years later her own daughter, Kitty, then a charming 
young woman who after\vard became Mrs. Cruger, had a 
romance of her own, and met and evidently fascinated the 

' Alexander Hamilton. 



228 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Chevalier de Colbert, who had inherited the great Georgia 
lands from Comte d'Estaing, who was one of Hamilton's 
early friends, and in pressing his suit he wrote Hamilton the 
following interesting letter, in which he asked the latter to 
intercede for him: 

The Chevalier de Colbert to Alexander Hamilton 

London, this 7th May, 1800. 

It is with great pleasure, Monsieur, that I learn from a 
letter from the Vicomte D'Orleans, that, confirming the 
choice already made by the public, the President has ap- 
pointed you to fill the position of Commander-in-chief of the 
army, left vacant by the death of General Washington, so that 
what I told you a month ago is already partly realized, time 
will bring the rest, and I am very sure that in whatever post 
Fortune places you, you will justify the discrimination that 
put you there/ The trumpet of war has once more sounded, 
the Austrians are boasting of great successes in Italy, and 
they certainly must have had some as they have taken Bo- 
cheta, which must entail the capture of Genoa, but the 
French declare they have had brilliant victories on the 
Rhine. 

We must expect exaggeration on both sides; in one or 
two months at the earliest shall we be able to foretell upon 
which side Fortune will declare itself. 

Conde's army, paid by England, is marching upon Italy, 
where it is to don the White Cockade and the old French 
uniforms; they have orders to make as many recruits as they 
can. 

From what Monsieur le Comte d'Artois told me yester- 
day, Monseigneur le Due D'Angouleme has left Mittau for 
Italy to join Monseigneur le Prince de Conde. 

General Abercromby leaves here for the Mediterranean 
with 4,000 men; it seems that England intends to raise an 
army in order to attack the South of France, where mal- 

' He probably referred to Hamilton's appointment as Senior Major-General; 
Hamilton resigned from the army July 2, 1800. 



FAMILY LIFE 229 

contents are numerous; it is said that the Russians who are 
in Italy will join them, they also talk of a descent upon Nor- 
mandy to cause a diversion; all that will I think, depend 
upon the successes that the Austrians or the French will have 
on the Rhine and in Italy. In the meantime all the emigres 
are returning to France, I am expecting letters that will de- 
cide my course; I know that the sale of my property in Nor- 
mandy has been forbidden; three months hence I shall know 
how I stand. You know why I long for wealth. Ah! my 
dear General, do not be so much my enemy and hers as to 
allow them — by taking advantage of her submission and re- 
spect for her father — to force her into contracting any bonds, 
that, // her heart be not entirely changed^ will make her 
wretched, and drive me to despair, if, as I hope, I can soon 
offer her the competence that would satisfy hers and my de- 
sires. I know too that Mr. Ch.^ and you //z//7^ / <3'm /oo o/^. I 
see very well that you do not know the French. The warmth 
of their blood prolongs their youth. Away from her I love 
her as much as all your Americans put together; near her I 
love her, and shall love her as at twenty, and I could love well. 

Moreover you are experienced enough, and she is rea- 
sonable enough to know that all the transports of love are 
often only too shortlived with young men, and that similari- 
ties of taste, friendship and confidence are the true founda- 
tions of happiness. 

Such being the case, I have thirty — perhaps forty years 
in which to try to contribute to hers, and you know whether 
I desire it. You may remember that when I left you you 
told me that time might bring happy changes; I replied that 
I should have the perseverence and courage that sooner 
or later overcome fate. I shall have them to the end, and I 
assure you that before long I shall be able in uniting the little 
she has by right to what I shall have — to offer her, if not so 
brilliant a lot as I could wish, at least one that need give her 
no anxiety for the future. 

I have neither time nor inclination to reproach you for 
your silence. Mme. Ch.^ who so kindly led me to hope for 
news of her, has also completely forgotten me. Some one 

* John Barker Church. * Angelica Church. 



230 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

must have played me a very nasty, dirty trick to blacken me 
in her eyes; it is a fine game to speak evil of the absent. 
Assure her that that is not what we do here when I am with 
the Princesse de Craon and Bonne, a young woman who is 
with her, and who is very fond of Mdlle Kitty; she has 
begged me to send her two books of music, one of which is of 
her own composition. I am entrusting to some one who is 
going to Philadelphia, I send it to you as well-meaning 
people will not fail to think that this packet encloses some- 
thing else. You can reassure them, and may open the 
Scroll before the whole assembled family. Adieu, mon 
general, now that you have an army do not take advantage 
of your superiority to ingloriously fight a Soldier who has 
nothing but love on his Side, and who has everything to 
struggle against. With every respect and assurance of my 

unchanging attachment, t n. ,. ^^ n 

^ ^ ' Le Chev. de C 

Hamilton's ultimate resignation from the Treasuryship 
caused a great deal of commotion in the family, and much 
discussion on the part of General Schuyler, Mrs. Church, and 
his friends at large. As has been stated, he left public office 
impoverished, and when he was thirty-seven, and but ten 
years before his death. It is apparent from his letters that 
this step was a hard one to take, as his entire life and inter- 
ests had been merged in the public trust he did so much to 
organize, and which has altered so little in more than one 
hundred years. The following letters that passed between 
himself and his sister-in-law, to whom he often turned, 
graphically convey his motives and feelings: 

Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church 

Philadelphia, December 8, 1794. 

You say I am a politician, and good for nothing. What 
will you say when you learn that after January next, I shall 
cease to be a politician at all .? So is the fact. I have for- 
mally and definitely announced my intention to resign at 



FAMILY LIFE 231 

that period, and have ordered a house to be taken for me at 
New York. My dear Eliza has been lately very ill. Thank 
God, she is now quite recovered, except that she continues 
somewhat weak. 

My absence on a certain expedition was the cause. ^ 
You will see, notwithstanding your disparagement of 
me, I am still of consequence to her. Liancourt^ has ar- 
rived, and has delivered your letter. I pay him the atten- 
tion due to his misfortunes and his merits. I wish I was a 
Croesus; I might then afford solid consolations to these 
children of adversity, and how delightful it would be to do so. 
But now, sympathy, kind words, and occasionally a dinner, 
are all I can Contribute. Don't let Mr. Church be alarmed 
at my retreat. All is well with the public. Our insurrec- 
tion is most happily terminated. Government has gained 
by it reputation and strength, and our finances are in a most 
flourishing condition. Having contributed to place those of 
the Nation on a good footing, I go to take a little care of my 
own; which need my care not a little. 

Love to Mr. Church. Betsey will add a line or two. 
Adieu. 

And again later, after the actual resignation : 

Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church 

Albany, March 6, 1795. 

To indulge in my domestic happiness the more freely, 
was with me a principal motive for relinquishing an ofiice 
in which 'tis said I have gained some glory, and the diffi- 
culties of which had just been subdued. Eliza and our 
children are with me here at your father's house, who is 
himself at New York attending the Legislature. We re- 
main here till June, when we become stationary at New 
York, where I resume the practice of the law. For, my 
dear sister, I tell you without regret what I hope you antici- 

• With the army to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion in Pennsylvania. 
^ The Duke de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. 



232 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

pate, that / am poorer than when I went into ofice} I allot 
myself full four or six years of more work than will be pleas- 
ant, though much less than I have had for the last five 
years. 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton 

London, Feb. 24, 95. 

I sincerely congratulate you my dear Eliza on the resig- 
nation of our dear Hamilton & on your return to New York 
where I hope to pass with you the remainder of my days, 
that is if you will be so obliging as to permit my Brother to 
give me his society, for you know how much I love & admire 
him. 

I do not by this Ship write to my amiable,'^ but you will 
thank him for his letters. I was very proud to have the 
American Ministers intreating me for information from 
America. I did boast of very long letters & give myself 
some airs of importance. Mr Jay^ is very desirous of getting 
to his fireside, & Mrs. Pinckney* preparing for Spain. 

The Churches eventually arrived in New York. Hamil- 
ton secured a house and expended upon it large sums to fix 
it for the occupancy of his rather exacting sister-in-law, and 
these we find entered in his books — as well as records of how 
the family lived, and what they did for a number of years. 
Among other items charged to Mrs. Church, it appears that 
he paid "Cash for passages of yourself and servants on 
Dolls. 370.66," and at an earlier date he "paid 

'Hamilton, in a private letter dated June 26, 1792, wrote: "The Legislature 
might reasonably restrain its officers from future buying and selling of stock, but 
could not reasonably prevent them making a disposition of property which they 
had previously acquired according to the laws of their country. All my property 
in the funds is about eight hundred dollars, three per cent. These at a certain period 
I should have sold had I not been unwilling to give occasion to cavil." This stock 
was sold by Mr. Wolcot to pay Hamilton's small debts when he left Philadelphia. 

^ Hamilton. 

' John Jay. 

* Mrs. Pinckncy, wife of Thomas Pinckncy, Minister to Spain, 1794-96. 



FAMILY LIFE 233 

acct. of your last landlady for rooms, & some damage done 
by your servants in removing, ;^23.9.3." 

His own accounts are all neatly and carefully kept up to 
1799, but show, after that time, some carelessness and brevity 
which is in contrast with earlier years. This was probably 
owing to his multifarious occupations, and possibly to his 
anxiety about the affairs of his own political party, which then 
was in the midst of its troubles. A list of excerpts is, I think, 
worthy of reproduction. 

G. Washington expense to Mess/ to Morton $16. 

1796. Nov. II. Contribution for erecting R. C. Church 

at Albany 5. 

July II. For this sum paid to W. McDonald tow- 
ards Presbyterian Church at Albany 15. 

1795. Oct. 25. Household expenses for this sum paid 

Henry Seaman for Mourning for Mrs. Ham- 
ilton.^ 43-25 
Philip Schuyler paid for Mrs. Schuyler 22.42 

65.67 

Dec. 6. Account of Expences, for this sum paid 

tax on carriage lO. 

for this sum paid Mr. Beekman for half a years rent 

of stable 50. 

Dec. 21. George Washington, President for this 
sum paid for an express to Messrs. Troffer & 
Matin 16. 

May 6. For this sum paid in full for Tuition of 
my Children in the French language say dol- 
lars Eighteen five shillings & 4^^ (L. Maillet) ;^i8.6.5 

May 18. Household Furniture for a Dining 

Table & Bed Stead Doll. 108.74 

1793. Ju. ID. Account of Donation for the sum given 

away 30. 

ditto July 4 ic. 

ToStock Account for price of Horse & Chaise Sold 250. 

1796. For this sum paid M. Ten Eyck ;^ house rent 218.75 

* Messenger. 

^ For the funeral of John Bradstreet Schuyler, one of General Schuyler's sons. 



234 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

1796. Sept. 7. Account of Donation for this sum paid 

on account of rent for Isaac Sherman 37-50 

Sept. 12. For this sum deposited for payment of 

duties on a pipe of wine 60. 

Oct. II. For this sum paid Archibald Drummond 

for stationery 21.20 

For Sundry books & account 50. 

Paid Doctors Bard & Hosack 

1795 & 1796 no. 

1798 100. 

1802 246.50 

1804 pd. Dr. Hosack July 3 120. 

1797 Apothecaries bill 14. 

1795. Sum for Bendon's note given to Mrs. Ham- 
ilton to take out in groceries £^Z- 5- 

for a guinea in addition paid for Mrs. Hamilton ;^I.I7.4 
1795. For two guineas given to a poor French •9'33 

family given in private character £1. 

Account of expenses. Dr. to Cash, for this sum 
paid Judy Perkins Negro woman for her wages 
several years ago, which she alleges was de- 
tained from her in consequence of a claim by 
Major Turner who demands her wages as his 
servant (p Rect on Receipt Book Dr. 12.50 

1795. for this sum paid for keeping of horses & Carriage 8. 

1795. Aug. 28. for this sum paid for Cabinet Wares ^l-'^Z 
Sept. 22. Account of donations Dr. in Cash for 

this sum paid to Henry King for Board of Mrs. 

De Grove a French refugee 19. 

1796. Oct. this sum del'd Mrs. Hamilton on going to 

Albany lOO. 

this sum on my return November I 20. 

my expences to and from Albany 40. 

Oct. 4. for Subscription to Dancing Assembly 20. 
Nov. II. for this sum paid Hallet & Browne for 

2 Chaldrons of Coal 30. 

for fruits 3. 

24. J. Lyon & Co. for 2^ Chaldrons of Coal 37-50 

Dec 6 this sum paid Doctor Jones for two 

firkins of butter 50-55 
(;^20.4.6) 

Dec. 23. paid Berry & Rogers for Books 10. 



FAMILY LIFE 



235 



1796. Dec. for this sum in Charity 17. 

5. 

5. 

. " . 5- 

Paid Sherrard his account £i'^.'].(). 

1797. Feby 13. Library, paid J. Rivington for books 22.37 
Febr 24. paid Subscription to ball 5. 
Mar. 7. William Duer cash lent this day 30. 
Mar. 10. paid Mrs. Hamilton for subscription to 

a Bible 5. 
May 22. R. Troupe for parchment purchased of 

him 30 skins at 5/10 21.88 
May 29. John B. Church paid for a negro woman 

& child 225. 

Aug. 29. Tax on house & Stabel 43-40 

personal tax 9.30 

Oct. 16. paid Crier Albany in full lo. 

Nov. 24. paid Hair dresser's bill 20. 

1798. Feby I. for my expenses to and from Albany 50. 
Subscription towards Reading Room 1.50 
Feby 14. " to Presidents Ball 5. 
March, Household furniture, Plate presented by 

M. le Guen 500. 
Case V. Gouverneur 

Expended at Philadelphia last Summer 100. 

April I. Library Acct for paid towards Encyclo- 
pedia 40.20 

paid on journey to New Haven 100. 

May I. paid Mr. Ten Eyck half year's rent end- 
ing yesterday 437'50 

Marinus Willet, this sum lent his wife 125. 

May 9. paid Dr. Belleville bill in full 12.50 

May 18. Delvd. E. Hamilton, & paid for pistols 62. 

June 30. paid Independence Dinner 10. 

Aug. 23. paid Wyllies house & Chaise hire 30. 

Dec. 18. paid Mrs. Hamilton some time since lOO. 

1799. Jan. 12. Expenses for a Demijohn of wine 20. 
Jan. 19. paid French Taylor 100. 
Jan. 29. to Military Service^ compensation for 

November & December 53^-70 

Febr. 12. paid for Prints 28. 
' During the time he was inspector-general of the reorganized army. 



236 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

1799. Mar. I. Expences for half the rent of a Country 

place last fall 37'50 
paid Isaac Jones 
Mar. 29. United States Postage paid by Capt. 

Church 21. 
postage paid by Mrs. Williams to accountant of 

War Dept. 215.84 

1802. Febr. By Bank N. Y. overdrawn 50. 

Expence House Rent IIO, 

1799. Sept. 25. Paid for horse 125. 

1802. May 12. Expenses Philip's funeraP 266.11 

1803. Charity, Alms House 105. 



The accounts of the last few years are even more con- 
densed and less orderly, and are grouped under " Receipts & 
Expenditures." Many of these refer to the building of the 
Grange where he lived until his death, and to the payment 
of household expenses, wages, etc. 

In another part of the book appear several entries, un- 
doubtedly in connection with the election of John Adams, 
and showing that even in those days a degree of conviv- 
iality was indispensable to the exercise of the franchise. 

Disbursements for Elections 
1796 Paid Jones printer for printing nominating tickets Drs. 2. 



Aprl. 16. paid R. Boyd for tavern expenses ) 



15- 



Hobs 

pd. Hammond as my share 30. 

" Van Orden for Tavern Expenses 9.37 

City of N. Y. in acct. with A. H. 
1788. McClean Printer at different times paid an execu- 
tion agst Capt. on acct. of Rockets ex- 
pended in the procession.^ 

* His son killed by Eacker the previous year. 

* To celebrate the ratification of the Constitution in New York. 



FAMILY LIFE 



^Zl 



The cost of living in this city in those days may be ap- 
proximately reached by this bill for provisions for about ten 
days: 



No. 45. Reinhard Kahmer bot for Comal Hamilton 


at Sundred 


1791 








October 19th 


To' 


3 " bushels of potatoes at a^/gd 


£0. 8. 3 




To a 


\ " peck of pears .... 


0. 1. 10^ 




To a 


\ " bushel of turnips . . . 


0. I. 3 




To' 


3 " bunches of Carrots & Cabege 


5 0. 0. 9 




To' 


8 " lb. beef at 3^ .... 


0. 2. 4 




To' 


1 2^ " lb. mutton at 4^1 . . . 


0. 4. 8 




To' 


" " buns & som yearbs . 


0. I. 81 


20" 


To' 


6 " lb. beef at 3J .... 


0. I. 9 




To' 


2 " bushels of Apels . . . 


0. 5. 




To' 


8 " lb. butter at 1/3 ... 


o.io. 


21" 


To' 


17 "lb. beef at 6 & i lb. Suet at 8^ 


I 0. 9. 2 




To' 


3 " Dozen of Eggs .... 


0. 3. 




To' 


13^" lb. Mutton at 5^ ... 


0. 5- ih 




To a 


\ " peck of pears & Spinnag 


0. 2. 3 




To 


nions 5^ Endif 3d & Salrey 8^ . 


0. I. 4 J 




To . 


... a Copel of fowls . . . 


0. 2. 




To . 


... a basket 


0. 1. 11^ 


22" 


To' 


7I " lb. Veal at yd .... 


0. 4. ^ 




To' 


7I " lb. beef at 5d 


0. 3. 1 




To 


. . . time & parsly .... 


0. I. 6 




To 


. a set of Calfs feet .... 


0. 0. 6 




To' 


\\ " bushel of turnips at 2d/6 


0. 3. 9 




To 


. . . Eggs & Cabeges . . . 


0. 2. 6^ 




To 


. . . Quals, tripe 


0. 2. 6 




To' 


13 " lb. mutton at 4d ... 


0. 4. 




U. 4- 8 


24th 


To' 


9 " lb. beef at 4d 


0. 3. 




To' 


2 " bushels of turnips 2s/6d , 


0. 5. 




To' 


4 " fouls at 3/9 


0. 3. 9 


25" 


To' 


5 " bushels of potatoes at 2/9 


0.13. 9 




To' 


' io| " lb. Corn beef at 5d . . 


0. 4. 4| 




To' 


' 20 " lb. pork at 4^ .... 


0. 7. 6 




To' 


14 " lb. mutton at 4d ... 


0. 4. 8 




To 


. . . Cabeges 


0. 3- 4 



238 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

October 25th To " ^^ " bushels of Cramberies . . 0. 3. 6 
To" 12 " dozen of Eggs at 10 & 4 dozen 

at 3-9 0.13. 9 

To" 6 "lb. butter at 1/4 .... o. 8. o 

29 " To ... a tung Salt o. 2. 6 

To" 13 "lb. mutton at 4I .... o. 4.10I 
To" 3 "teal at 1/3 a piece & Car- 

rits 6d o. 4. 3 

To . . . Swete potatoes o. o.ii 

£8. 7.10 



CHAPTER IX 
FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 

From an early period in the war until after the overthrow 
of Louis XVI, a number of brilliant Frenchmen landed on 
our shores. Some, like La Fayette, the Due de Lauzun, 
the Vicomte de Noailles, the Marquis Francois Jean de 
Chastellux, Rochambeau, Tousard, Pont de Gibaud, Du- 
portail, Maudiut Duplessis, the Comte de la Rouarie, or 
Colonel Armand as he was known to his fellows, came to 
fight. 

Others, like Louis Philippe, the Comte de Volney, the 
Comte Alexandre de Tilly, Moreau de St. Mery, the Due 
de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, J. P. Brissot de Warville, 
came as 'emigres, or to travel; and the ubiquitous Bishop of 
Autun, otherwise Charles Maurice Talleyrand, after stirring 
up all the mischief he could in Great Britain, and starting an 
Irish rebellion, came here to spy. These, and many other 
clever and witty men from different parts of Europe, among 
them the veteran soldier Steuben, gave to society at the time 
of the American Revolution a decided charm. We find them 
in Philadelphia, as well as at every large army camp, and 
in the gloom incident to the hardship and struggles of 
a poorly equipped force fighting against superior numbers 
of well-trained troops, they were cheerful and welcome 
visitors. They certainly brought with them a fund of 
gayety, which did much to raise the drooping spirits of the 
hardy patriots, and with most of them Hamilton was on 

239 



240 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

very good terms. Of him Oliver draws this picture, which, 
perhaps, appHes to a later period, but according to those 
French travellers and writers who knew him in the field, he 
was always fascinating: "This serious young statesman we 
gather to have been remarkable in private life, chiefly for 
his high spirits, his good looks, his bright eyes, and his ex- 
traordinary vivacity. He loved the society of his fellow- 
creatures, and shone in it. He loved good wine and good 
company and beautiful things — even clothes and ruffles of 
fine lace. He despised slovens and people like Jeff^erson, 
who dressed ostentatiously in homespun. He belonged to 
the age of manners, and silk stockings, and handsome shoe- 
buckles. In Bagehot's excellent phrase, 'he was an enjoy- 
ing English gentleman'; companionable and loyal, gay and 
sincere, always masterful and nearly always dignified."^ 

Let us see, then, who were his friends. As a rule, they 
were men who were honorable and well educated, of good 
courage and good breeding, gallant and chivalrous, and who 
possessed the other attractions of an heroic age. 

As his capacity for making lasting friends was greatly in- 
ferior to the ease with which he made enemies, this can be 
explained by the statement of one of his historians that "his 
love for his country was always greater than his love for his 
countrymen," and it can be easily conceived how a man with 
so critical a sense, and with such strong ideas regarding 
unselfish requirements for the public weal, must not only 
fail to exert himself for the mere shallow fascination of his 
fellow men, as did Burr, for instance, but must antagonize 
many men with less lofty aims. 

His attachments were strangely assorted, but, as a rule, 
were very deep, very affectionate, and very lasting; and, as is 
usually the case, the less brilliant and more sober-minded 

^ Op. cit., p. 430. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 241 

friends were those that remained loyal and unselfishly de- 
voted to him until the end, and did more for his family after 
his death than any of the others. It may be said that they 
were divided into two categories: those that were drawn 
to him by his humorous and almost feminine traits, which 
were coupled with a fascinating culture and a flow of spirits 
that almost bubbled over; and others, who had been engaged 
with him in the war, and in his legal practice, and the many 
public affairs which were so vital at the time. These really 
loved him for his great intellectual gifts and his absolute sense 
of justice. Although Lodge has gravely declared that he 
had no imagination, it does, on the contrary, appear that he 
had a lively sense of humor, and was at times exceedingly 
witty. 

This is shown in his letters to John Laurens, to La Fayette, 
and a few of his early friends, and in the rather short and 
unsatisfactory remaining correspondence with his wife and 
sister-in-law. In 1780, at a time when the condition of affairs 
was certainly not conducive to high spirits, we find that he 
wrote, in the field, to General Anthony Wayne in regard to 
a Rev. Dr. Mendey, "who is exceedingly anxious to be in 
the service, and I believe has been forced out of it not alto- 
gether by fair play. He is just what I should like for a mili- 
tary parson, except that he does not drink, and he will not in- 
sist upon your going to heaven whether you will or not."* 

There is the jauntiness of the gay soldier in his few words 
to one of his warmest army friends, Otho Williams (1779): 
"Mind your eye, my dear boy, and if you have an oppor- 
tunity, fight hard," ^ but a tenderer note in his long letter to 
John Laurens, which is not so well known as to lose its 
charm by abridged repetition; probably none of his com- 

^ Wayne "Correspondence" referred to by Lodge. 
^ "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. I, p. 79. 



242 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

rades was dearer to Hamilton than Laurens, whose untimely 
death was a very great blow.^ 

Cold in my professions — warm in my friendships — I wish, 
my dear Laurens, it were in my power, by actions, rather 
than words, to convince you that I love you. I shall only 
tell you, that till you bid us adieu, I hardly knew the value 
you had taught my heart to set upon you. Indeed, my 
friend, it was not well done. You know the opinion I en- 
tertain of mankind; and how much it is my desire to pre- 
serve myself free from particular attachments, and to keep 
my happiness independent of the caprices of others. You 
should not have taken advantage of my sensibility, to steal 
into my affections without my consent. But as you have 
done it, and as we are generally indulgent to those we love, 
I shall not scruple to pardon the fraud you have committed 
on one condition; that for my sake, if not for your own, you 
will continue to merit the partiality which you have so art- 
fully instilled into me. 

Fleury^ shall be taken care of. All the family send love. 
In this, join the General and Mrs. Washington; and what 
is best, it is not in the style of ceremony, but sincerity." 

One of Hamilton's most devoted friends was the Baron 
Frederick William August Steuben, who began his military 
career in Prussia as an aide to Frederick the Great, and who 
was afterward general of the guard of the Prince of Hohen- 
zollern-Hechingen. This friendship began when Steuben 
landed in America in 1777, and joined the army at Valley 
Forge in 1778. Although he was Hamilton's senior by 
about twenty-seven years, there was something very amus- 
ing about what might be called the reversal of relations, and 
the almost paternal interest of the young protege in his 

' Ibid., vol. I, p. 109. 

^ Vicomte Louis de Fleury, a brave officer who had served as an engineer and 
later joined Rochambeau. For gallantry at the storming of Stony Point he re- 
ceived a vote of thanks from Congress. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 243 

middle-aged instructor, for it was the baron who first taught 
the American troops the orderly tactics of war, and gave 
them the benefit of his past experience, which he had de- 
rived in the service of the great Frederick; but in spite of all 
his military genius he was helpless as a child in other things, 
and to Hamilton he looked for advice and help. 

Not only were the relations of Hamilton and Steuben of a 
delightfully affectionate nature, but we find that Angelica 
Church frequently alluded to him, in her bright way, in 
many letters written to her sister. Nine years after the 
war she wrote: "I envy you the trio of agreeable men you 
talk of, my father and my baron and your Hamilton, what 
pleasant evenings, what agreeable chit-chat, whilst my vi- 
vacity must be confined to dull, gloomy Englishmen. Adieu, 
my dear Eliza; tell Hamilton if he does not send my Father^ 
Ambassador, that I shall believe he has no influence at 
Court, and that I will try not to care for him. Adieu, my 
dear Eliza, be happy and be gay, and remember me in your 
mirth as one who desires and wishes to partake of your hap- 
piness. Embrace Hamilton and the Baron. Yours, A. C." ^ 

Again, having met the royal family at the theatre, she 
said: "but what are Kings and Queens to an American 
who has seen a Washington!" In another letter: "This 
day year, my dear Eliza, I had the happiness to see you 
and receive the affectionate attention of you and my 
dear Hamilton, and the gallantries of the Baron." Indeed, 
Steuben was a jovial companion, most intimate with Ham- 
ilton, and an ever welcome guest at his home and that of 
General Schuyler. His rather extravagant ways evidently 
kept him embarrassed most of the time, but he knew little 
or nothing of the value of money, while his efforts to obtain 

* General Philip Schuyler. 
^London, Jan. 3, 1792. 



244 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

assistance were pitiable indeed, for he appears to have been 
always in financial distress. 

It has been stated by several historians that he often spoke 
of Hamilton not only as his friend, but as his hanker^ and 
it would seem as if the latter was much more than this, if we 
may infer from the number of unpaid promissory notes from 
the baron to Hamilton which are found among the latter's 
papers, among them judgments in favor of Hector St. Jean 
de Crevecoeur^ for various large sums. On November 23, 
1785, Hamilton wrote to Washington as follows: "The poor 
Baron is still soliciting Congress and has every prospect of 
indigence before him. He has his imprudences, but on the 
whole he has rendered valuable services, and his merits and 
the reputation of the country alike demand that he should 
not be left to suffer want. If there could be any mode by 
which your influence could be employed in his favor by 
writing to your friends in Congress or otherwise, the Baron 
and his friends would be under great obligations to you." ^ 

Chancellor Livingston wrote to Hamilton in regard to 
Steuben's affairs as follows, in a letter dated March 3, 1787: 

I received your favor with the Baron's papers inclosed by 
the post. The letter you mention I have sent by a private 
hand now under me. I enclose a letter to the Baron con- 
taining my opinion tho' I confess to you that I do think that 
in publishing it (as he told me he purposed) he will show 
more resentment than prudence. He will provoke replies, 
he will be called upon to show what he has lost, the pay- 
ments to him will be compared with what other officers 
have received. It will be said that Congress have failled in 
all their engagements from necessity, that there is nothing 
singular in his solicitation. In short, he will hear many 

* Better known as the author of "Lettres d'un Cultivateur en Amerique," Paris, 
1787. 
^ "Worksof Alexander Hamilton," Henry Cabot Lodge, isted.,vol. VIH, p. i8i. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 245 

things that will vex and disturb him and he will exclude 
himself from all hopes of a further provision. When a more 
liberal sperit, or a heavier purse may indine Congress to 
make it. If you think with me, you will use your influence 
with him to drop the idea of a publication that can do him no 
good, but may injure him. 

It would appear that this brave old soldier was ultimately 
cared for, and the trite saying that nations are ungrateful 
was disproved, for through the influence of Schuyler, Liv- 
ingston, and Hamilton, he was finally given a large tract of 
land, amounting to sixteen thousand acres, in the upper part 
of New York State, a portion of which he gave to Captain 
Ben Walker and to Generals North and Popham, and there 
he lived for the rest of his life, dying November 20, 1794. 
The State of New Jersey also gave him land, and the 
National Government an annuity of twenty-five hundred 
dollars. 

The gay trio to which Hamilton and Laurens belonged 
was made complete by La Fayette. On the whole, there was 
something about them rather suggestive of the three famous 
heroes of Dumas, although the period of the American Revo- 
lution was less romantic than that of the Musketeers. It is 
true that Hamilton was urged to kidnap the English General 
Clinton, who insecurely held New York, but refused upon 
the score that the latter, because of his incompetence, could 
do more harm if he were suffered to remain where he was 
than if captured. 

There is a note of romance in their friendship, quite un- 
usual even in those days, and La Fayette, especially during 
his early sojourn in this country, was on the closest terms 
with Hamilton. He touchingly writes from Paris, April 12, 
1782, as follows:^ 

' "Hamilton's Works," vol. I, p. 277. 



246 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Dear Hamilton: However silent you may please to be, 
I will nevertheless remind you of a friend who loves you 
tenderly, and who, by his attachment, deserves a great 
share in your affection. 

This letter, my dear Sir, will be delivered or sent by Count 
de Segur,^ an intimate friend of mine, a man of wit and of 
abilities, and whose society you will certainly be pleased 
with. 

I warmly recommend him to you, and hope he will meet 
from you with more than civilities. 

At this late day La Fayette certainly seems, to some extent, 
a disappointing figure in history, if his behavior at home 
during and after the French Revolution is considered. 
While his aid to the American cause, prior to his return to 
France and shortly before the above letter was written, en- 
titles him to the deep gratitude of all Americans, and his 
career while in America was that of an unselfish and brave 
soldier, who gave all his energy and much of his fortune to 
the cause of patriots, his remarkable weakness at a time 
when his sovereign was in the gravest danger is almost in- 
credible, and cannot even be explained by the fact that he 
had taken part in our own struggle for freedom, and had 
been influenced by his sympathy with the colonists, who 
were themselves fighting for liberty. 

Hamilton certainly must have lost much of his respect 
and no little of his affection for his old friend for the manner 
in which he had acted, for in a later letter he criticised Burr's 
conduct in making disloyal toasts, among them one to La 

* Segur was a distinguished Frenchman whose brilliant writings are well known. 
He was the French Ambassador to Berlin before August 10, 1792, and at St. Peters- 
burg several years before that. Later he served with Napoleon and accompa- 
nied the latter to Moscow in 181 2. It was Segur who wrote during the French 
Revolution: "Liberty, whatever its language might be, pleased us for its courage; 
equality, because it was so convenient. One enjoys descending as long as one 
pleases; without forecast, we enjoyed at the same time the advantages of aristoc- 
racy, and the sweets of plebeian philosophy." 




MARQUIS GILBERT MOTIER DE LA FAYETTE 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 247 

Fayette. He refers to this as an evidence of Burr's miscon- 
duct and sympathy with "the daring scoundrels of every 
party," and his tendency "to avail himself of their assistance, 
and of all the bad passions of society/ 

But Hamilton's friendship for La Fayette was shown in 
late years, even after he had disappointed him by his con- 
duct during the French Revolution, and in his connection 
with the Garde Nationale.^ When captured by the Austrians 
after his conflict with the extreme jacobins, he escaped 
across the frontier, was imprisoned in Olmiitz, and treated 
with great brutality, owing to a desire for retaliation for the 
treatment by the French of the unfortunate Marie Antoi- 
nette. Here he remained secluded and unheard of until 
he was later joined by his wife and daughter. Through the 
exertions of Fox, Wilberforce, and Sheridan, as well as Wash- 
ington and Hamilton, strong representations were made to 
the Prussian Government, though in so doing serious compli- 
cations with the French were narrowly escaped. Young 
George Washington La Fayette, the son, who had been sent 
here during the Reign of Terror, was, for a time, an inmate 
of Hamilton's house, and was treated like a son by the latter, 
and acted in conjunction with others in his father's behalf.^ 
In 1794 a Dr. Bollman, and Francis Kinloch Huger, of South 
Carolina, by a brilliant stroke, eflPected La Fayette's escape, 
but he was recaptured and taken, in chains, back to his dun- 
geon. It was not until 1797 that he was liberated by Na- 
poleon. 

To her sister Mrs. Church wrote in 1795: "You will re- 
ceive the letter by Dr. Bollman, a young gentleman of good 
sense and polite manners, his exertions for the Marquis de 

* Century Magazine, vol. LX, No. 2. (See p. 253.) 

^ See his letter of temperate warning to La Fayette, written October 6, 1789. 
^ In the expense-book occurs the following item: "$i6. George Washington cash, 
for this sum paid as expense to carry a letter to Young Lafayette." 



248 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

La Fayette have been so zealous and active that every good 
American must honor him for his generous conduct; his 
friend, Mr. Huger, is also greatly entitled to praise for v^hat 
he has done. I hope that my Brother will afford them his 
best assistance in an introduction to General Washington 
and our distinguished men." 

La Fayette's subsequent career was interesting, by reason of 
the manner in which he adapted himself to the kaleidoscopic 
changes of French misgovernment, for his attitude was never 
stable or consistent. At this moment I may be pardoned 
for referring at length to a somewhat interesting incident, 
which tells how this distinguished person figured in the his- 
tory of another branch of my family. In 1829 "^7 "^^~ 
ternal grandfather, Louis McLane of Delaware, was Minis- 
ter to England, and one of his many sons was Robert M. 
McLane,^ now dead. Seeking for a school, he wrote to his 
friend La Fayette, who replied: 

I Have for some time devised an answer to your kind letter 
February i6th Because I wanted to take information relative 
to the several schools in Paris. The result of my inquiries 
is very favorable to the College of Louis le Grand. It ap- 
pears the young men are well attended to with respect to the 
diet, the personal care, and that the classic studies are as 
well, they even say Better Conducted than in any other 
school of the kind. I cannot therefore but encourage the 
choice you are disposed to make. 

Another point had a claim upon my Sohcitude. I was 
afraid of a private Roman Catholic influence, as it is now 
Become a Government party affair. But I am assured 
that young Protestants at the College Have Had no cause of 
complaint in that way. Let me add, my dear Sir, that you 
may depend upon my earnest and tender love, not only By 

' Robert M. McLane. Minister to China and Mexico, Governor of Maryland, 
and Minister to France during the administration of Grover Cleveland. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 249 

personal attention, But through men more fit than I am, to 
Receive minute information and act upon them in Contact 
with me. 

We are in a critical parliamentary situation, the address 
to the King will be debated next Monday in committee 
agreeably to a very improper article of the Charter, it shall 
expect a letter of disapprobation of the Polignac adminis- 
tration; I don't question its obtaining a great majority. 
What will follow is very uncertain. The King, his son, and 
some of the ministers seem determined to go on. Whether 
the Chamber will be prorogued, dissolved or kept to try the 
continuance of a stormy session, it must be known in a few 
days. 

Have you been pleased to ask Mr. Perkins what has be- 
come of his Pole friend Borowsky .? No answer or Bill from 
Him Has Been received by Mr. Laweschi. 

Be so kind as to present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. 
McLane. My son begs to be respectfully remembered, and 
I am. Most Cordially, 

Your friend, 

Lafayette. 



The lad was, upon his recommendation, sent to Paris 
where he remained; but meanwhile the Revolution of 1830 
had broken out, and McLane sent Washington Irving, 
who was his secretary, to France to investigate, and the latter 
subsequently reported to the anxious father: 

Paris, August 7, 1830. 

My Dear Sir: I arrived here last evening after a very 
pleasant journey through country as tranquil as England on 
a Sunday; nothing but the national cockade of the traduced 
flag displayed in every direction gave a hint of the great 
revolution that had taken place. On my arrival in Paris, 
I was struck with the unusual number of pedestrians on the 
streets, in pairs or in groups, all talking with great earnest- 
ness, but general good humor. I never have seen even the 



250 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

lively streets of Paris so animated on an ordinary evening of 
the w^eek. 

Today the Chambers are in session, and it is expected the 
question will be decided before night, who is to succeed to the 
vacant throne. I have not been able to see anyone who 
could procure me admission to the Chamber. I called on 
Mr. Rives, ^ but he was from home, and had gone himself to 
the Chamber. There appears to be some awakening among 
the leaders; they fear some movement among the people 
in favor of a republic. There has been an attempt to as- 
semble the students before the Chamber in order to intimidate 
them, but it has failed. I don't see any ground for serious 
apprehension. The republican party is not strong. There 
are small parties also in favor of the Duke de Bordeaux, and 
the son of Napoleon, but the great mass of the people and 
almost all those who have property at stake, seem convinced 
that the weak mode of quieting the present state of excite- 
ment and restoring anything promptly to order is to call the 
Duke of Orleans to the throne. I have been in the open 
place before the Chamber of Deputies. It was filled with 
people, the great part young men. Precautions had been 
taken against any popular commotion. The interior of the 
Court yard was strongly garrisoned by a detachment of the 
garde Nationale and another detachment was stationed at 
the head of the adjacent bridge. I saw, however, no sign of 
riot among the people. The assemblage reminded me of 
the crowd before one of our polls, and I have never seen 
anything in France that so completely rebuked the populace 
of a free country ( ?). Everyone was expressing his opinion 
loudly and copiously, discussing men, makers, forms of gov- 
ernment, etc. The discussions, however, were carried on 
without passion, with mutual civility, with acuteness and 
good sense; in fact, it is surprising to see the moderation, the 
judgment and magnanimity which have governed and still 
govern this vast population throughout the whole of this 
sudden and extraordinary situation. I feel satisfied that all 
will go right, and that the Duke of Orleans will be called 

' William Cabell Rives, Minister to the French Court from 1829-32. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 251 

to the throne immediately, and with the general approbation 
of the people, though the people will take advantage of the 
present crisis to augment their power, and to diminish the 
royal prerogative. 

This triumph of the Parisians has been so brilHant, prompt 
and decisive, and has put them in such general good humor 
that they seem to have lost their bitterness against the Bour- 
bons. They speak of them with contempt rather than oth- 
erwise; they caricature, lampoon and laugh at them, and 
the shop windows already teem with ludicrous caricatures 
of Charles X. When they speak of the ministers, however, 
their tone changes, and they hold them accountable for all 
the blood that has been shed. 

The battle has been fought by the very lowest people. I 
have been told by those who visited the scene of the combat, 
that the slain are generally people of the poorest classes. 
Was the struggle here to be achieved by the people of prop- 
erty, the Bourbons would have still been upon the throne. 

I called this morning to see Robert at his school. He 
looks well and rather less like a race horse than when in 
London. The soupe maigrey in spite of his abuse of it, 
agrees with him. I like the looks of his school, its external 
appearance, the general air of its arrangements are better 
than any I have seen in Paris. Robert was at school when 
the revolution broke out. He kept tolerably quiet during the 
two first days, but when a third day of fighting came, it was 
too much for him, and he and almost a dozen other boys 
broke out of school and ran to set the world in order. They 
joined in some of the skirmishing, but had no other weapons 
than stones and one or tw^o old pistols. Rob only threw 
stones, and on my putting him on his honor and conscience, 
he confessed that he could not boast of having killed a single 
man, but he and his band of truant revolutionists afterwards 
made a forage into the center of Paris, but the fighting was 
already over and all the killing done, so they returned quietly 
to their school, quite satisfied with their share of the victory. 
On the following Sunday he was supposed to go out to visit 
his friends, Paris then being tranquil. He went with the 



252 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

other boys, to see Genl Lafayette go in State to visit the Duke 
of Orleans. The General passed through the streets escorted 
by his (black) guards in ragged breeches with drawn swords. 
The people shouted "Vive Lafayette," but Rob and his 
companions who were on a heap of stones cried in English, 
"Long live Lafayette!" and they attracted the attention of 
the General. He recognized Bob, took him by the hand and 
they walked together the most of the way to the Palais Royal, 
Bob being no doubt mistaken by the populace for some sur- 
prising youth who had signalized himself in the late Victory. 
Bob asked me very anxiously whether it was true that the 
people meant to storm the Chamber of Deputies today, as 
such a report had prevailed in the school and the master had 
put them all on their honors that they would not break out. 
I gave him my opinion that there would be no tumult to call 
either for their aid or opposition, and his Zeal and anxiety 
seemed in some measure pacified. He will have a good 
deal to tell his Mama and sisters when he returns home. 
They have reason to be proud of him. I left directions with 
Mr. Beasley about your [illegible] which will be promptly 
attended to. 

With kind remembrances to Mrs. McLane and the family, 
I remain, my dear sir. 

Yours very truly, 

Washington Irving. 

The Vicomte de Noailles, closely related to La Fayette, came 
here very early in the Revolution and was one of the small 
coterie of army friends who were with Hamilton at York- 
town. The latter wrote to him in 1782: 

Esteem for your talents and acquirements is a sentiment 
which, from my earliest acquaintance with you, dear Vis- 
count, I have shared in common with all those who have the 
happiness of knowing you; but a better knowledge of your 
character has given it, in my eyes, a more intrinsic merit, and 
has attached me to you by a friendship founded upon quali- 
ties as rare as they are estimable. I cannot forbear indul- 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 253 

ging this declaration, to express to you the pleasure I felt at 
receiving (after an inexplicable delay), the letter you were 
so obliging as to write me before your departure from Bos- 
ton. It was of that kind which is always produced by those 
attentions of friends we value; which, not being invited by 
circumstances nor necessitated by the form of Society, be- 
speak the warmth of the heart. At least my partiality for you 
makes me proud of viewing it in this light and I cherish the 
opinion.^ 

He continues in this happy vein, trusting that his friend 
will return. After his service here de Noailles, like La Fayette, 
retired to France and took the liberal side in the French Revo- 
lution, but was finally obliged to flee from the blood-thirsty 
sans-culottes, leaving his wife, who was afterward guillotined 
in 1794, together with his father and mother. He came to 
the United States a second time in that year, and for a time 
entered into business, being with Bingham & Co., the bankers 
of Philadelphia, and speculated so successfully that he ac- 
quired a large fortune. He again re-entered the French 
service and went to Santo Domingo, and afterward to Cuba, 
where, in an action between his ship and an English man-of- 
war, he was killed. During his stay in Philadelphia he saw 
Hamilton frequently, and their old friendship was renewed. 

Another army friend was General Nathaniel Greene, who 
was president of the court of inquiry in the Andre case. 
After his death, Hamilton's enemies even alleged that the 
latter was guilty of malfeasance during the time he was Sec- 
retary of the Treasury in looking after the affairs of his dead 
friend, and had helped his widow out of the public funds. 
Greene, too, like Hamilton, at another time was assailed by 
the friends of Gates to whose command he succeeded. 

With Richard K. Meade, who was also an aide-de-camp to 
Washington with Hamilton, there existed a close intimacy 

1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol I, p. 314. 



254 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

which was participated in by Mrs. Hamilton, and the Schuy- 
lers as well, and the appended extract from one of his letters 
is an indication of their affectionate relationship : 

I have explained to you the difficulties I met with in obtain- 
ing a command last campaign. I thought it incompatible 
with the delicacy due to myself to make any application this 
campaign. I have expressed this sentiment in a letter to the 
General, and, retaining my rank only, have relinquished 
the emoluments of my commission, declaring myself, not- 
withstanding, ready at all times to obey the calls of the pub- 
lic. I do not expect to hear any of these, unless the state of 
our affairs should change for the worse; and lest, by any 
unforeseen accident that should happen, I choose to keep 
myself in a situation again to contribute my aid. This 
prevents a total resignation. 

Truly, my dear Meade, I often regret that fortune has cast 
our residence at such a distance from each other. It would 
be a serious addition to my happiness if we lived where I 
could see you every day; but fate has determined it other- 
wise. I am a little hurried, and can only repeat, in addi- 
tion, that you will present me most affectionately to Mrs. 
Meade, and believe me to be, with the warmest and most 
unalterable friendship, . . . 

It must almost appear as if Hamilton was either unaware 
of Talleyrand's true character, or cultivated him because of 
his many agreeable qualities, for it cannot be denied that, 
despite his absolutely unpardonable immoralities, he had an 
extraordinary fascination.* Then again, there was a sense 
of all that was humorous in all he did, whether in getting 
the best of dull-witted and pompous commissioners, or 
hoodwinking his less astute fellow conspirators. No one 
who has read his memoirs can help secretly admiring a cer- 

* The reader should consult Stewarton's extraordinary memoirs of Talleyrand, 
which are evidently a true though prejudiced account of the life of the Bishop of 
Autun. The more recently published memoirs are of doubtful authenticity. 




PRLNXE CHARLES MAURICE DE TALLEYRAND-PERK ajRl) 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 255 

tain intense mental force and cleverness, as well as a faculty 
for escaping from danger; but it must be confessed that it is 
often the same amusement and admiration that one feels 
after reading the story of Jonathan Wild, or those of the 
other heroes of the Newgate Calendar. Talleyrand came to 
America in 1794, after making himself so disagreeable in 
England that he was obliged to shift the scene of his activity 
to the United States, in which country the influence of the 
French Republic and the effrontery of Citizen Genet were 
being felt; thanks to the temporary co-operation of Thomas 
Jefferson; after a brief stay he returned to make fresh mischief 
with a new party in France. 

His stay in Philadelphia was characterized by conduct 
so scandalous as to shock Pontgibaud * and his other coun- 
trymen, for his open immoralities and behavior with a 
woman of color (probably Madame Grand) led to much 
gossip. Nevertheless he took great interest in all public 
affairs of the new country, and was busy as well in scientific 
work, and by his eloquence and charm made many friends 
who were disposed to overlook his foibles. Hamilton, who 
always respected brains, became, in a way, attached to him. 
Talleyrand was an agreeable Lucifer, and it was he who said 
that r)o one who had not lived before 1789 in France had any 
idea of the *' charm of life." He had known all the delightful 
great men and women of France and England in his day, and, 
therefore, was certainly a competent critic. He liked the 
youngst2Ltesm3.n a.nd ssLidofhimy^' J e consid^re N apoleon, Fox et 
Hamilton comme les trots plus gratjJs hommes de noire epoque, 
etsijedevaismeprononcerentrelestrois,]edonneraissanshesiter 
la premiire place h Hamilton. II avait devine I'Europe." ^ 

' A French volunteer of the War of Independence. " The Chevalier de Pontgi- 
baud." J. W. Bouton & Co., New York, 1897. 
^ "Etudes sur la Republique." 



256 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

That he had, sometimes, a strong and more tender feeling 
is evinced by the inscription upon the back of the picture of 
Hamilton that he later returned, which was, "You were ap- 
preciated. He loved you and you loved him." Hamilton 
seems to have kept up his pleasant relations with Talley- 
rand until shortly before his death, for, on March 25, 1804, 
he wrote to the latter in regard to a cousin Alexander, who 
had been imprisoned in Paris, and who was then on parole, 
asking certain privileges for the latter. 

The affection felt for him by the members of his wife's 
family appears everywhere in a great mass of correspond- 
ence now before me. One of his warmest admirers was his 
father-in-law, who was of middle age when the young sol- 
dier married his second daughter in 1780.^ He certainly 
supplied the qualities lacking in Hamilton's own father, 
and added to them the jealous pride of a rugged veteran. 
During the time Hamilton was thrown so much into contact 
with him at Morristown, and until the very end of his life, 
there was a delightful intimacy between them, both in the 
field and when they were engaged in the conduct of public 
affairs, which crops out in all of General Schuyler's letters. 
Hamilton's success was Schuyler's very own, and his disap- 
pointments were shared by the affectionate, proud old man, 
who took up the cudgels and berated Jefferson and all the 
others whenever he got a chance. 

Hamilton's overwork brought its penalty, for, at times, 
his condition was such as to alarm his friends, yet he, as a 
rule, rarely succumbed. Nothing can be more solicitous than 
the following, written at a time when he was not only busily 
engaged in practising law, but organizing the new army, and 
effecting a number of far-reaching public reforms and im- 
provements : 

' See chapter V. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 257 



General Philip Schuyler to his daughter 

Albany, February ist, 1799. 

My dearly beloved Eliza: I am deeply affected to 
learn that my beloved Hamilton is so much indisposed. Too 
great an application to business and too little bodily excercise 
have probably been the cause of his disorders, immersed as 
he is in business, and his mind constantly employed he will 
forget to take that excercise, and those precautions which 
are indispensable to his restoration. You must therefore, 
my Dear Child, order his horse every fair day, that he may 
ride out, and draw him as frequently from his closet as possi- 
ble. Keep me advised my Dear Child continually of his 
state of health. If that should happily be true, try to prevail 
on him to quit the busy scene he is in, and to pay us a visit 
accompanied by you. The journey will be of service to him, 
and I shall experience the best of pleasures in embracing 
children so dear to me. 

Embrace my Dear Hamilton and your children for me. 
All here unite in love to you, to him and them. 
God bless you my Amiable 
and Dear Child. Ever most 
tenderly and affectionately Yours 

Ph. Schuyler. 



He wrote to his daughter in 1795, regarding his young 
son, who was an inmate of Hamilton's household, as follows : 
"I have urged him [Philip] to copy your amiable husband 
as where he will see sense, virtue and good manners com- 
bined, which will endear him to all." 

Hamilton's sister-in-law Angelica, as has been said, was 
an active correspondent, and wrote upon every possible 
occasion. Shortly before the arrival of Talleyrand she sent 
the following letter from England to prepare for his recep- 
tion: 



258 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton 

London, Feh. 4, '94. 

I recommend to your most particular care and attention, 
my dear and kind Elisa, my friends, Messieurs de Tallyrand 
and de Beaumetz; make our country agreeable to them as 
far as it is in your power (and your influence is very ex- 
tensive). Console them by your hospitality and the image 
of your domestic happiness and virtues, for all that they have 
suffered in the cause of moderate Liberty; and you will be 
gratified, my dear Eliza, by rendering them services when 
by so doing you are also prompting the requests of your own 
Angelica. 

I have for these persons the most sincere friendship. To 
your care, dear Eliza I commit these interesting strangers, 
they are a loan I make you, till I return to America, not to 
reclaim my friends entirely, but to share their society with 
you and dear Alexander, the amiable. 

Speak of these gentlemen as members of the Constituent 
Assembly, as friends of La Fayette, and of good government, 
and who left their country when anarchy and cruelty pre- 
vailed. 

If I have any influence with Americans who have been in 
England, let them shew the sense they entertain of it, by re- 
ceiving well my friends, whoever cultivates their intimacy 
will thank me for giving them such valuable acquaintances. 

A few weeks later she wrote to Mrs. Hamilton: 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton 

London, February 27, 1794. 

Monsieur de Tallyrand being detained, my dear Eliza, a 
week longer than he expected has given me time to finish 
your handkerchief which may be worn either on the head or 
neck, the other two I beg you will send to Peggy and Corneha.^ 

' Her sisters, Margaret and Cornelia Schuyler, who became Mrs. Stephen van 
Rensselaer and Mrs. Washington Morton. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 



259 



It is an age since I have heard from you, pray write me 
news and tell me if I may hope for peace. Mr. Jefferson 
is said to be on his voyage to France, You will see by my 
last letter in how particular a manner I have requested your 
attention for my friend, I am sorry that you cannot speak 
French, or Mr. Talleyrand English, that you might con- 
verse with him, as he is extremely agreeable, and very much 
improves on acquaintance; he is of one of the most ancient 
families in France and has been a Bishop and possesses a 
large fortune and now obliged by the order of this court to 
leave England. I wish that they would oblige me to go to 
America for the time is not yet fixed. Adieu my dear sister. 

Very affectionately yours, 

A. Church. 

Did Mrs. Bache* send you a hat with purple ribband 
and a cap. I wish to know as she has not written me a line. 

Angelica Church to Elizabeth Hamilton 

London, July 30, 1794. 
I have a letter my dear Eliza from my worthy friend M. 
de Talleyrand who expresses to me his gratitude for an in- 
troduction to you and my Amiahle, by my Amiable you 
know that I mean your Husband, for I love him very much 
and if you were as generous as the old Romans, you would 
lend him to me for a little while, but do not be jealous, my 
dear Eliza, since I am more solicitous to promote his laud- 
able ambition, than any person in the world, and there is no 
summit of true glory which I do not desire he may attain; 
provided always that he pleases to give me a little chit-chat, 
and sometimes to say, I wish our dear Angelica was here. 
Tallyrand and Beaumetz write in raptures to all their friends 
of your kindness, and Colonel Hamilton's abilities and 
manners, and I receive innumerable comphments on his and 
your account. 

* The only daughter of Benjamin Franklin, who married Richard Bache, who 
succeeded Dr. Franklin as Postmaster-General. 



26o ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Ah! Bess! you were a lucky girl to get so clever and so 
good a companion. 

Mr. Jay^ has been perfectly well received at Court and 
by the Ministers, as yet no material business is done. The 
people are anxious for a peace with America, and the allied 
armies are beat out of Flanders and on the Rhine. These 
circumstances may determine the Minister to be just and 
wise. Mr. Jay dined with Mr. Fox^ at our house a few days 
after his arrival. 

Mr. Morris^ is building a palace, do you think Monsieur 
I'Enfant* would send me a drawing of it ? Merely from cu- 
riosity, for one wishes to see the plan of a house which it is 
said, will cost, when furnished ;^40,ooo Sterling. 

This house was built by Robert Morris, in Philadelphia, 
after he had resigned his office and begun his land specula- 
tions. It was an enormous palace designed by Major 
I'Enfant, and was afterward known as "Morris's Folly." 
At the time it was begun Morris was regarded as the richest 
man in the United States, but through reckless plunging and 
speculation, lost all his money and was arrested and con- 
fined in the debtor's prison for several years. Through the 
grandiose and impractical plan of I'Enfant and the under- 
estimation of the cost, Morris could not meet the demands 
upon him. His schemes were almost like those of an in- 
sane man, and he never occupied the gigantic building which 
was erected in a square bounded by Walnut and Chestnut, 
Seventh and Eighth Streets, for it was not finished. It is 
said that he even imported shiplpads of costly furniture, one 
vessel bringing five thousand guineas' worth of mirrors. 

Much has been said about Hamilton's relations with Wash- 

' John Jay, then engaged in arranging the treaty with Great Britain. 
^ Charles James Fox. 

^ Robert Morris, financier and signer of the Declaration of Independence. 
* Major Pierre Charles I'Enfant, the distinguished French architect, who after- 
ward designed the plan of the city of Washington. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 261 

ington, and the absence of any deep friendship between the 
two, and OHver has gone so far as to observe that in not one 
of the former's writings is there any eulogy or even marked 
praise of his great commander. 

Sumner makes this same assertion, and brief excerpts of 
letters are reproduced, the impression being that there was a 
stiffness and coldness, not to say a formality in his corre- 
spondence with the former which indicated a lack of at- 
tachment, and no very great admiration. 

These accusations I am sure are unjust, for in the letter 
to Mrs. Washington written after the death of th.e first Presi- 
dent, there is much that is genuine, and in his letters to 
Washington during his lifetime he nearly always signed him- 
self "Yours affectionately," in those that were personal. A 
great deal has been made of the circumstances attending 
Hamilton's resignation as a member of Washington's mili- 
tary family, and it must be conceded that the letters he wrote 
to his father-in-law. General Schuyler, and McHenry are not 
only in bad taste, but he makes use of certain expressions 
which voice his short-lived anger; this, however, must be set 
down to his extreme youth, and some of it to the fact that he 
had been more or less flattered and his head, for the time, 
turned.^ Like many other men, his subsequent conduct 
would almost look as if he had been ashamed of himself, for 
he plunged at once into more active military service, and per- 

' In a letter to McHenry he voices his grievances. His wounded dignity was the 
result of a reprimand from Washington because he stopped to speak to Lafayette 
upon the stairs, and kept his chief waiting. 

" I have, Dear Mac, several of your letters. I shall soon have time enough to 
write my friends as often as they please. 

The Great man and I have come to an open rupture. Proposals of accomoda- 
tion have been made on his part, but rejected. I pledge my honor to you that he 
will find me inflexible. He shall for once at least repent his ill-humor. Without a 
shadow of reason and on the slightest grounds — he charged me in the most af- 
frontive manner with treating him with disrespect. I answered very decisively 
* Sir, I am not conscious of it, but since you have thought it necessary to tell me, 



262 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

formed an act of loyal devotion which he knew would be 
approved by his old commander when he made a brilliant 
assault upon the enemy's works at Yorktown. Before doing 
this he wrote to Washington as follows in 1781: "It has be- 
come necessary to me to apply to your Excellency to know 
in what manner you forsee you will be able to employ me in 
the ensuing campaign. I am ready to enter into activity 
whenever you think proper." 

All of his subsequent relations with Washington were 
intimate and affectionate, and their private letters to each 
other show that they must have been so much in accord as to 
exclude any real coolness of feeling. Forgiving and gen- 
erous as Washington always was, he probably felt little or no 
resentment toward Hamilton for his hasty action in parting 
from him in a manner more befitting a spoiled boy than a 
gallant and useful soldier, and he ever afterward relied upon 
his former aid, even to the extent of getting his assistance in 
the preparation of his Farewell Address. 

It would hardly seem from the following that any of 
Hamilton's early resentment, and want of appreciation of 
Washington's kindness had survived. 

so we part!' I wait till more help arrives, at present there is besides myself only 
Tilghman, who is just recovering from a fit of illness, the consequence of too close 
application to business. 

We have often spoken freely our sentiments to each other. Except to a very few 
friends our difference will be a secret, therefore be silent. 

I shall continue to support a popularity that has been essential — is still useful. 

Adieu my friend. May the time come when characters may be Known in their 
true light. 

Madame sends her friendship to you. 

A. H." 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 263 

Alexander Hamilton to Washington 

New York, August 28, 1797/ 

My dear Sir: The receipt two days since of your letter 
of the 2 1 St instant gave me sincere pleasure. The token of 
your regard which it announces is very precious to me, and 
will always be remembered as it ought to be. 

Mrs. Hamilton has lately added another boy to our 
stock; she and the child are both well. She desires to be 
affectionately remembered to Mrs. Washington and yourself. 

We have nothing new here more than our papers contain, 
but are anxiously looking forward to a further development 
of the negotiations in Europe, with an ardent desire for 
general accommodation. It is at the same time agreeable 
to observe that the public mind is adopting more and more 
sentiments truly American, and free from foreign tincture. 

I beg my best respects to Mrs. Washington. 

James McHenry, Secretary of War during Adams's ad- 
ministration, was one of Hamilton's most loving friends. 
During the early operations of the army he saw a great deal 
of the latter, and there was much that was jocular and breezy 
in their conversation and correspondence. In after years 
this relation was more staid, but just as affectionate. In 
1795, after Hamilton's retirement, McHenry wrote, "Though 
not writing I have not ceased to love you, nor for a moment 
felt any abatement of my friendship." ^ At an earlier period, 
when Hamilton was but twenty-six, McHenry wrote, that 
if he were ten years older and twenty thousand pounds 
richer, he (Hamilton) might have the highest office in the 
gift of Congress, and added: 

Cautious men think you sometimes intemperate, but 
seldom visionary. . . . Bold designs, measures calculated 

1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. V, p. 623. 
^ "Life and Correspondence of James McHenry." 



264 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

for their rapid execution — a wisdom that would convince 
from its own weight, a project that would surprise the people 
into greater happiness, without giving them an opportunity 
to view it and reject it — are not adapted to a council com- 
posed of discordant materials or to a people which have 
13 heads, each of which pays superstitious adorations to in- 
ferior divinities. 

Upon the occasion of a slight difference regarding the ap- 
pointment of a candidate recommended by McHenry, the 
latter waited until Hamilton's retirement from office and 
wrote : 

You see how well I have persevered in this determination, 
and that it is only now, when I can have nothing to expect, 
and nothing to give, that I recall you to the remembrance of 
our early union and friendship. It is during this period, 
my dear Hamilton, that you will find unequivocal instances 
of the disinterested friendship I feel for you and which 
ought to convince you, how well I am entitled to a full return 
of yours. The tempest weathered and landed on the same 
shore, I may now congratulate you upon having established 
a system of credit and having conducted the affairs of our 
country upon principles and reasoning, which ought to in- 
sure its immortality, as it undoubtedly will your fame. Few 
public men have been so eminently fortunate, as volun- 
tarily to leave so high a station with such a character and so 
well assured a reputation and still fewer have so well deserved 
the gratitude of their country and the eulogiums of history. 
Let this console you for past toils and pains, and reconcile 
you to humble pleasures and a private life. What remains 
for you, having ensured fame, but to ensure felicity. Look 
for it in the moderate pursuit of your profession, or if public 
life still flatters, in that office most congenial to it and which 
will not withdraw you from those literary objects that re- 
quire no violent waste of spirits and those Httle plans that in- 
volve gentler exercise and which you can drop or indulge in 
without injury to your family. I have built houses. I have 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 265 

cultivated fields. I have planned gardens. I have planted 
trees. I have written little essays. I have made poetry 
once a year to please my wife, at times got children and, at all 
times, thought myself happy. Why cannot you do the same ? 
for after all, if a man is only to acquire fame or distinction by 
continued privations and abuse, I would incline to prefer a 
life of privacy and little pleasures. 

Before the war McHenry studied medicine under Dr. 
Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, and entered the army as a 
surgeon, but it was not long before he gave up his calling and 
became an aide to General Washington. He certainly took 
an unusual interest in the health of his friend Hamilton, and 
prescribed for him. According to his biographer, this was 
about the last professional duty that he performed, and fol- 
lowed shortly after his transfer, as he had been made 
prisoner by the British. Some of the advice given by the 
Revolutionary doctor would not be out of place to-day, and 
the directions regarding his friend's very unromantic dis- 
order are the following: 

In order to get rid of some of your present accumulations, 
you will be pleased to take the pills agreeable to the directions; 
and to prevent future accumulations observe the follow- 
ing table of diet. This will have a tendency also to correct 
your wit. I would advise for your breakfast two cups of tea 
sweetened with brown sugar and colored with about a tea- 
spoonful of milk. I prefer brown sugar to loaf because it is 
more laxative. And I forbid the free use of milk until your 
stomach recovers its natural powers. At present you would 
feel less uneasiness in digesting a round of beef than a pint 
of milk. 

You will not drink your tea just as it comes out of the 
pot; let it have time to cool. The astringuency of the tea 
is more than counter balanced by the relaxing quality of hot 
water. 



266 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

For your dinner let me recommend about six ounces of 
beef or mutton, either boiled or roasted, with eight or ten 
ounces of bread. Cut the meat from the tenderest part 
with little or no fat. Use the natural juice, but no rancid 
oily gravy whatsoever. For some time I would prefer the 
beef, because it contains more of a natural animal stimulus 
than mutton. Once or twice a week, you may indulge in a 
thin slice of ham. Your best condiment will be salt. 

You must not eat as many vegitables as you please — a 
load of vegitables is as hurtful as a load of any other food. 
Besides the absurdity of crowding in a heap of discordant 
vegitables with a large quantity of meat is too much of itself 
for the digestive powers. You may eat a few potatoes every 
day. Water is the most general solvent the kindliest and 
the best assistance in the process of digestion. I would 
therefore advise it for your table drink. When you indulge 
in wine let it be sparingly. Never go beyond three glasses — 
but by no means every day. 

I strictly forbid all eatables which I do not mention, prin- 
cipally because a formula of diet for your case should be 
simple and short. Should this table be strictly observed, 
it will soon become of little use, because you will have re- 
covered that degree of health which is compatable with the 
nature of your constitution. You will then be your own 
councellor in diet for the man who has had ten years expe- 
rience in eating and its consequences is a fool if he does not 
know how to choose his dishes better than his Doctor. 

But in case you should fall into a debauch — you must 
next day have recourse to the pills. I hope however that you 
will not have recourse to them often. The great Paracelsus 
trusted to his pills to destroy the effects of intemperance — 
but he died if I forget not about the age of 30 notwithstanding 
his pills. Lewis Cornare the Italian was wiser — he trusted 
to an egg, and I think lived to about ninety. 

Hamilton's accounts show that he lived well, and that 
his bills for wine during the time he stayed in New York 
reached goodly proportions, but he probably did not ex- 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 267 

ceed his friend's prescription, for his life appears to have been 
well-regulated and comparatively abstemious. It would be 
gratifying to know whether he would have lived to a ripe old 
age had his life not been snuffed out by the bullet of Burr. 
His children were all examples of longevity, for several were 
over eighty when they succumbed to ordinary senile con- 
ditions, and two were more than ninety. This vitality, 
however, might have been influenced by their mother, who 
was ninety-seven when she died. 

I have alluded to other friends, many of whom were iden- 
tified with his later life. These included his own medical 
advisers. Doctors Samuel Bard and David Hosack, the 
former of whom brought several of his children, including the 
first Philip, into the world, and who continued to take care 
of Hamilton until the end of his life. He was the son of 
Dr. John Bard, who had been associated with Dr. Peter 
Middleton, who, in 1750, made the first dissection recorded 
in this country. He was a graduate of the University of 
Edinburgh, and began the practice of his profession in 
America in 1765. Dr. Hosack was present at the duel with 
Burr, and he and Dr. Post were with Hamilton when he 
died. 

Among other intimates were Gouverneur Morris, Rufus 
King, Nicholas Fish, Egbert Benson, John Laurance, 
Brockholst Livingston, Richard Peters, Robert Troup, Wil- 
liam Duer, Richard Varick, Oliver Wolcott, William Seton, 
Charles Wilkes, Matthew Clarkson, Richard Harrison, Elias 
Boudinot, Thomas Cooper, Caleb Gibbs, William Bayard, 
Timothy Pickering, and James Kent. 

Some of these men were associated with him in the army, 
and during the years he was in Congress and in the Treasury, 
and others were constantly engaged at the same time in 
the courts. So closely were his professional and public life 



268 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

connected, that we find his correspondence filled with all 
manner of subjects, and it is common for letters to open 
with an appeal to him for legal aid, and to end with some 
reference to politics. 

Gouverneur Morris, it is quite evident, always entertained 
a grudge against Hamilton for his summing up and retort 
in the Le Guen case,* for Morris appears to have been very 
vulnerable to sarcasm, as he was a conceited, though great, 
man. He, however, manifested much kindness of heart 
when allowed to manage other people's affairs, and was 
perfectly amiable and often went to great lengths to help 
others. He was about five years Hamilton's senior, was 
licensed to practise law, and had much to do with the con- 
duct of the financial affairs of the country, and the prepa- 
ration and framing of the Constitution. 

Rufus King, who was the first person in the United States 
to seriously advocate the abolition of slavery, proposed, in 
1785, an act of Congress for that purpose. Negro slavery, 
however, seems to have been quite general, and it was not 
until 1799 that there was special legislation in New York, 
which made all children free that were born in that State after 
July of that year, though they were to remain with the owner, 
the men till they were twenty-eight years and the women 
till they were twenty-five. It has been stated that Hamilton 
never owned a negro slave, but this is untrue. We find that 
in his books there are entries showing that he purchased 
them for himself and for others.^ 

Rufus King and General Schuyler were representatives of 
New York in the national Senate in 1789. Under the new 
Constitution King was also American Minister to Great 
Britain, from 1798-18 14, and again, for a short time, in 

^ See "Hamilton as a Lawyer," chapters VI and VII. 

" E. g., 1796. Cash to N. Low 2 negro servants purchased by him forme, $250. 
(Hamilton expense-book.) 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 269 

1825, and both Schuyler and Hamilton relied upon him as 
an able and powerful Federalist. 

Egbert Benson, the first Attorney-General for the State 
of New York, was a remarkably clear-headed lawyer. He 
had been previously a member of the Committee of Safety, 
and later was one of the three commissioners who were to su- 
pervise the emigration of Tories from New York to Nova 
Scotia, and was concerned in fixing the boundary line be- 
tween the United States and British territory. 

He was looked upon as an important person, and with 
Hamilton settled many disputed points during the post- 
Revolutionary period. David Howell * wrote from Halifax, 
August 31, 1796, to Hamilton: 

Sir: Col. Barclay and myself after 7 or 8 days canvassing 
have agreed upon the Hon. Egbert Benson of New York as 
3rd Commiss, 

As he is your friend as well as ours, let me request your 
influence with him to accept this appointment. We shall 
never agree with any other person. The alternative is not very 
promising nor likely to prove satisfactory to either country. 

I hope your State will suspend their claims on Mr. Benson 
only for a few weeks this fall — the cause. Col. Barclay and 
myself have agreed shall be tried in the City of N. York. 

As you delight in doing public services, I assure myself 
of your attention to the object of this letter. I need only 
add that when I parted with you, I requested you to consult 
Mr. Benson and to write me whether he would accept or 
not, and that from your silence I had some reason to hope 
he would accept. 

With great esteem and in haste, 
I am Your 

Very obt. Sert. 

Hon. A. Hamilton. David Howell. 

'David Howell (1747-1826) was professor of mathematics and law at Brown 
University from 1 790-1824, and judge of the Superior Court. He was an authority 
on international law. 



270 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

The Henry Barclay referred to in Howell's letter gradu- 
ated at King's College, and studied law under John Jay, 
and was a son of the Rector of Trinity Church before the 
Revolution, but sided with the British, and after the war 
escaped, with his family, to Nova Scotia. After Jay's 
treaty, he was appointed one of the Commissioners in behalf 
of Great Britain. 

Benson was in the Continental Congress from 1789- 
1794, and in the new Congress from 1 789-1 793, and from 
1813-1815. He was judge of the New York Supreme Court, 
and of the United States Circuit Court, from 1794- 
1801. 

John Laurance, who had been an aide to Washington, 
was in Congress and a State senator as well for many years. 
He was also a judge of the United States District Court of 
New York, from 1794-1796, and afterward of the Supreme 
Court of the United States from 1796- 1800. 

Brockholst Livingston had been on General Schuyler's 
staff, after Jay's mission to the Spanish Court, whither 
he also went, became a prominent lawyer and ultimately 
judge of the Supreme Court of New York. He, too, fre- 
quently appeared with Hamilton in court, and usually on the 
same side. Both he and Jonathan Dayton went to school 
with Hamilton at Elizabethtown. 

The witty Richard Peters, after a long and honorable 
service in the army, and after winning distinction as an 
admiralty lawyer, became United States District Judge of 
the Pennsylvania Court from 1789 until his death. He was 
a curious, inventive genius, and dabbled to some extent in 
chemistry. He it was who introduced gypsum for agricul- 
tural purposes, and the writer is in possession of a letter con- 
taining his suggestion for the manufacture of india ink from 
lamp-black. His intercourse with Hamilton was most in- 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 271 

timate, and as he was a great deal oi 2i farceur^ his letters are 
filled with evidence of this spirit. 

Pickering, who was Secretary of State from 1795- 1800, 
took an active part in the obstinate fight of the Federalists 
against Burr, and espoused Hamilton's side in his difference 
with Adams. 

Oliver Wolcott was with Hamilton at the time of his death, 
and his two pathetic letters to his wife, describing the events, 
are published elsewhere. He took an active part in national 
affairs, and especially in those of Connecticut, his native 
State, where he was lieutenant-governor for ten years. 
Hamilton always turned to him in his political troubles, and 
he was sympathetic, and resourceful in his advice. 

Robert Troup, who graduated at King's College at about 
the time Hamilton entered, seems to have been the f,dus 
Achateso^xhe latter, and many were the actions in which they 
were associated, Hamilton usually being the counsel. There 
was probably no more attached friend than Troup, and he 
was always ready to champion the cause of Hamilton, who was 
exactly his own age. Troup was made a judge of the United 
States Circuit Court of New York, and had much to do with 
the land affairs of the great Pulteney estate, the territory 
which was purchased from Robert Morris, who afterward 
had reason to regret the sale. 

William Duer was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury 
under Hamilton, and had been Secretary of the Financial 
Board under Robert Morris. He, too, had been actively 
engaged in public affairs, and was one of the committee who 
drafted the first constitution of the State of New York. He 
married Lady Kitty, daughter of Lord Stirling, in 1779, when 
he was an army officer at Morristown, and was very intimate 
with Hamilton and his other friends. Duer, like many others, 
later not only became involved in unfortunate speculations, 



272 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

but gambled with the pubHc funds. This led to his ruin and 
incarceration by his creditors. From all accounts he ap- 
pears always to have been a lovable man and, notwith- 
standing his irregularities, was the recipient of much sym- 
pathy. His downfall was a sad one, and his treatment of 
Pintard, a young broker who trusted him and was ruined 
thereby, was highly discreditable to Duer. After his failure 
he was immediately sued by a number of angry people. 

When he attempted to make restitution, it was found that 
his bank stock could not be converted into cash, and his 
land could not be disposed of because of the panicky nature 
of the times. Hamilton had done his best to help him get 
financial assistance from Mr. Willing, the banker of Phila- 
delphia, but the latter replied that he could do nothing. The 
crash came, and in his distress Duer wrote to Hamilton: 

William Duer to Alexander Hamilton 

New York, March i8th, 1792. 

My dear Friend: I find by a letter from Col'l. Wads- 
worth that news has arrived there of my having suspended 
payment. The fact is that I have been compelled to do it, with 
Respect to a certain Description of Notes, which were issued 
by my agent* during my absence from this City — the Cir- 
cumstances are too long and too painful to detail — : You shall 
know them on my arrival in Phila. for which Place I will 
certainly set off to-morrow — : Col'l. Wadsworth writes me 
that unless I arrive this day — a suit will Certainly be brought 
against me. 

For Heavens Sake! Use for once your Influence to defer 
this till my arrival — when it will not be necessary — My Public 
Transactions are not blended with my private aff'airs. Every 
Farthing will be Immediately accounted for. Of this I 
pledge my Honor. If a suit should be brought on the Part 
of the Public, — under my present distrest Circumstances — 

* John Pintard. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 273 

my Ruin is complete. I despatch this by Express — in order 

that this step may not be taken — if it is I am sure that 

those who pursue this Measure will in a short time lament 

the Consequences. 

I am your affectionate but distrest 

Friend ttt t-. 

W. UUER. 

Hamilton devoted himself to the cause of his old comrade, 
and wrote to one of the creditors the following letter : ^ 

Alexander Hamilton to 



Dear Sir: Poor Duer has now had a long and severe con- 
finement such as would be adequate punishment for no 
trifling crime. I am well aware of all the blame to which he 
is liable, and do not mean to be his apologist, though I believe 
he has been as much the dupe of his own imagination as 
others have been the victims of his projects. But what then } 
He is a man — he is a man with whom we have both been in 
habits of friendly intimacy. He is a man who, with a great 
deal of good zeal, in critical times, rendered valuable services 
to the country. He is a husband who has a most worthy 
and amiable wife, perishing with chagrin at his situation, — 
your relative and mine. He is a father, who has a number of 
fine children, destitute of the means of education and sup- 
port, every way in need of his future exertions. These are 
titles to sympathy which I shall be mistaken if you do not 
feel. You are his creditor, your example may influence 
others. He wants permission through a letter of license, 
freely to breathe the air for five years. 

Your signature to the inclosed draft of one, will give me 
much pleasure. 

Your ob't Serv't, ^ Hamilton. 

It was at the house of William Bayard that Hamilton died, 
for he and his family had always been intimate friends of 

' Hamilton's "Reminiscences," p. 5. 



274 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

the former. Bayard was a member of the firm of Bayard, 
LeRoy & McEvers, and had long been a client of Hamilton. 
Charles Wilkes was the president of the Bank of New York, 
for which Hamilton acted as counsel, and after the death of 
the latter Wilkes was one of those who made provision for his 
family. 

It is somewhat surprising to find that the early friendship 
that existed between Hamilton and Edward Stevens led to 
no greater intimacy in later life. Stevens was one of the few 
friends who did not particularly distinguish himself, and 
about whom little is heard. He grew up to be a worthy 
doctor, but was a negative character, and his sole public ser- 
vice was rendered in a consulship to Hayti. The letters that 
passed between the two were of the most formal character, 
and there is no display of extraordinary interest in any of 
them, despite the promising beginning. 

During Hamilton's attachment to Washington's staflF he 
was thrown much into contact with Caleb Gibbs, who was 
not only the commander of the Life Guard of Washington, 
but in a way was major domo of the President's household, 
where he remained in command until the end of 1779. In this 
connection reference may be made to the troubles of the latter. 

Chastellux, in speaking of his visit to Boston, refers to one 
John Tracy, who had strange vicissitudes of fortune in the 
early part of the war. At the end of 1777 he and his brother, 
who held letters of marque, had lost forty-one ships and 
were about to give up business, when a prize entered Boston 
Harbor which was worth about ^35,000 sterling. With 
this windfall their fortunes changed, so that at the time of 
the visit of the Frenchman John Tracy was worth ;^i 20,000. 
He gave ;{^5,ooo to the State of Massachusetts, but his rev- 
enues were subsequently greatly diminished, and his taxes 
amounted to ;^6,ooo a year — an enormous sum. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 275 

It is quite probable that the tide of his good fortune ulti- 
mately changed, for the following letter would show that he 
lost, not only his own money, but that of others, among them 
the funds of Gibbs who wrote to Hamilton, who had evi- 
dently befriended him and given him legal advice. 

Barre, May i6th, 1791. 

My best friend: I have been honored by your much es- 
teemed favour of the 20th ulto. 

With the most pungent grief did I read your letter respect- 
ing Mr. Tracy's affairs; it is too much for me to relate. Nay 
My good Hamilton (excuse the freedom) it fairly unnerved 
me, and what is still more affecting to me to see my amiable 
wife looking over the letter and exclaiming "is it possible, is 
it possible Mr. Gibbs that you have lost that hard earned 
money you friendly lent that wicked man" — indeed my 
friend it was too much for her to bear, and more particularly 
so considering her situation; we have been almost ever since in 
a state of dispair — for I have all along held up to her the Idea, 
that there was hopes of recovering my property more espe- 
cially as we thought it was in your hands — but now forever 
lost — not only so but good money which I borrowed of you to 
bear my expenses thrown away in pursuit of what he owes 
me, and God only knows when I shall be able to pay you. 

Pray for God's sake my friend speak to the President for 
me, — the Surveyorship of the Port of Boston is now vacant, 
cannot you befriend me — Every one who knows ( & I know 
you do) that the great economy used in the Expenditures of 
the General's family was in a very great degree owing to me 
— Speak peace to me, drop but one drop of the balm of Com- 
fort & Consolation. If I am worthy of another line from 
you give me it as a Comforter. 

I pray God to preserve you 

& believe me yours 

devotedly C. Gibbs. 

Something has been said of Hamilton's difficulties, and 
the manner in which he contrived to bring upon his own 



276 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

head the wrath of many persons with whom he was officially 
thrown into contact. Political differences were even more 
bitter than to-day, and as has been shown in a previous chap- 
ter, scurrilous abuse was quite as pungent and intolerable. 

Sumner^ says: "One of his most remarkable traits con- 
trasting in the strongest manner with his contemporaries, 
was his fearlessness of responsibility. If he went upon that 
principle, he was sure to bear the brunt of every contest, pro- 
voked by his enterprises; and as he was always in the ad- 
vance of other people, he was sure to excite their wonder, 
doubt and suspicion by his enterprises." 

"Hamilton's methods were calculated to raise against him- 
self very bitter opposition. He forced every issue in its most 
direct form. His fearlessness, openness, and directness 
turned rivals into enemies, irritated smaller men, and aroused 
their malicious desire to pull him down. At the same time, 
by the mass he was not understood, and in them he inspired 
a vague sense of alienation and distrust." 

Some of this was because, as he once announced, he held 
popular opinion of no value — which is all in a way very 
true, but, as has been said, "It may have no value, but a 
statesman must notice that it has power." 

This feeling caused him many a bitter moment, and upon 
various occasions he was quick to recognize the dissatisfaction 
which attended the disintegration of his own party, and the se- 
cession of those who did not approve of his vigorous methods. 
The attacks upon him were, perhaps, more bitter from the 
time he retired from public office until his death than at any 
other, and the various projects which he believed could be 
successfully carried out were assailed on all sides. 

Madison, who had been his coadjutor in the preparation 
of the Federalist, he believed to have turned against him, 

' Op. cit, p. 228. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 277 

and so stated in a letter to Carrington in 1792. Jefferson 
was always jealous and inimical, and lost no chance either 
secretly or openly to try to undermine his popular rival, 
although he was forced to admit the latter's greatness. His 
objection to the funding system and the establishment of the 
bank were very decided and were carried out with the assist- 
ance of Freneau, the editor of a newspaper to which refer- 
ence has been made. 

Hamilton seems to have been in a constant broil with many 
of these people, and it is a wonder how he could have kept 
his peace of mind and self-control, smarting as he did under 
the assaults, not only of Jefferson, but even of Thomas Paine, 
whose methods were those that had, in 1793, found so much 
favor with the violent National Convention. So bitter was 
the fight between Hamilton and Jefferson, and so far-reaching 
the possibilities of public demoralization, that Washington 
was obliged to make peace between the two, although his 
sympathies were clearly with Hamilton. It would seem as 
if there was no limit to the abuse poured out by Callendar,* 
Bache,^ and his colleagues, they being egged on by Jefferson, 
and this led to a celebrated libel suit in which Hamilton ap- 
peared (the Croswell case), and was, in measure, based upon 
the outrageous abuse of Washington. 

General Schuyler wrote from Albany August 19, 1802, to 
Hamilton: "If Mr. Jefferson has really encouraged that 
wretch Callendar to vent his calumny against you and his 



' John Thomas Callendar was banished from Great Britain for seditious writ- 
ings, and came to Philadelphia in 1794. He published various scurrilous sheets, 
among them the Political Register, the American Annual Register, and the Rich- 
mond Recorder. He also was the author of the "Prospect of the United States," 
1797, and "History of New York," in 1796. He violently assailed Washington, 
Hamilton, and others, for a time finding favor with Jefferson, but was ultimately 
repudiated by the latter, though only after he had attacked him. 

- B. F. Bache, a grandson of Wm. Franklin, who published the Aurora General 
Advertiser. (See chapter iii.) 



278 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

predecessors in office, the head of the former must be abom- 
inably wicked and weak, I feel for the reputation of my 
Country which must suffer, when its citizens can be brought 
to elevate such a character to the first office of the republic. 
May indulgent heaven avert the evil with which we are threat- 
ened from such a ruler and the miscreants who guide his 
councils. Adieu My Dear Sir. May you enjoy health and 
happiness and that peace of mind which results from a rec- 
titude of conduct." 

John Adams, on one occasion, spoke of Hamilton as "the 
bastard brat of a Scotch pedlar," and accused him of any 
amount of vile things. Callendar even intimated that 
Hamilton regretted that the insurgents (during the Whiskey 
Rebellion) did not burn Pittsburg in 1794, and called him 
Caligula and Alva, and spread the often-repeated story that 
seemed to have been the chief stock in trade of his many 
calumniators that he was constantly attempting the estab- 
lishment of a monarchy. 

One of Hamilton's most venomous opponents was Wil- 
liam Maclay, who was a United States senator from Pennsyl- 
vania between 1 789-1 791. At an early stage of his political 
career he broke with the Federalists, and never ceased, 
thereafter, to speak of them all in a contemptuous manner. 
None were free from his shafts, and his unexpurgated jour- 
nal ^ has no equal as a vituperative masterpiece. His only 
friend for a time seems to have been Robert Morris, but later 
he turned upon him. He spoke of Hamilton and others at 
a dinner he attended, as follows: *'I could not help making 
some remarks on our three Secretaries — Hamilton has a 
very boyish giddy manner, and Scotch-Irish people would 

' "Journal of William Maclay, 1789-1791," edited by Edgar S. Maclay, A.M., 
N.Y., D. Appleton & Co., 1890. Maclay is spoken of as the original Democrat, and 
Jefferson merely as his successor. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 279 

call him a 'skite.' Jefferson transgresses on the extreme of 
stiff gentility or lofty gravity. Knox^ is the easiest man, and 
has the most dignity of presence. They retired at a decent 
time, one after another. Knox stayed longest, as indeed 
suited his aspect best, being more of a Bacchanalian figure." 

Hamilton is accused, by him, of all manner of corruption, 
and even of knowingly issuing Treasury certificates v^hich 
w^ere counterfeit. He referred constantly to Hamilton's 
"tools," whom he also calls "Senatorial Gladiators," and of 
his use of Washington as "scapegoat." The "Cincinnati" 
was one of his machines. Much of his enmity is of the usual 
kind, so characteristic of the day, as, in referring to his own 
efforts to get the Senate to repudiate the indebtedness of the 
country to foreign officers who had fought in the Revolution, 
"I set myself to defeat it, and happily succeeded," he 
said. " The consequence is, that I have all the Secretary's 
[Hamilton's] gladiators upon me. I have already offended 
Knox and all his military arrangements; I have drowned 
Jefferson's regards in the Potomac. Hamilton, with his host 
of speculators, is upon me, and they are not idle; the City 
hates me, and I have offended Morris, and my place must 
go. My peace of mind, however, shall not go, and, like a 
dying man, I will endeavor that my last moments be well 
spent." The reference to the "host of speculators" is an 
assumption that Hamilton's friends had bought up the claims 
of the French officers who had fought during the Revolution. 

In 1776 General Charles Lee was guilty of treacherous 
disobedience in refusing to re-enforce Washington, who had 
ordered him to make a junction with him at Hackensack. 
His idea was clearly to embarrass and put Washington in 
a false position, and to profit by his failure to prevent the 
British from taking Philadelphia. Not only was Lee guilty 

* General Knox was the Secretary of War. 



28o ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

of rank insubordination, but he wrote to the Commander-in 
Chief two disrespectful and insolent letters. This led to his 
arrest'and court-martial, and he was sentenced to suspension 
from the army for one year. Hamilton and the other sup- 
porters of Washington were, naturally, highly indignant, and 
the former gave very damaging testimony at the trial. Major 
J. S. Eustace, one of Lee's strong friends and supporters, 
and a vulgar and hot-headed officer, emptied his vials of 
abuse in various letters to his discredited friend, and did his 
best to provoke Hamilton to fight a duel. Extracts from 
two of his letters may be produced which show the hatred felt 
not only by this man, but by others. Writing from Phila- 
delphia, November 29, to Lee he says: 

I met Hambleton [sic] the other day in Company with the 
favorite Green* the Drunkard Stirling^ and their class of at- 
tendants. He advanced toward me on my entering the 
room with presented hand. I took no notice of his polite in- 
tention, but sat down without bowing to him or any of the 
class (it happened at the Q"". M"". General's office at Morns- 
town) he then asked me if I was come from Camp — I say'd 
shortly No, without the usual application of sir, rose from 
my chair — left the room, and him standing before the chair. 
I could not treat him much more rudely — I've repeated my 
suspicions of his veracity on the tryall so often that I expect 

the s of a b will challenge me when he comes. If 

he does he will find me as unconcerned as he can possibly be 
anxious. 

And again he wrote to Lee : 

I speak of you here ope^^ly and loyally, and I give my senti- 
ments of your affairs, with all the warmth of a young man — 
tho' without the prudence of an old one. I said 'tother night 
I thought Colonel Hamilton was perjured — that I could con- 

' General Nathaniel Greene. ^ General Lord Stirling. 



FRIENDS AND ENEMIES 281 

vince himself of IT, by reading over the Tryall to him — and 
if that was not sufficient evidence, it might rest on matter of 
opinion, and he decided as he chose, there were several 
officers present but they said nothing in reply — tho' I am 
confident they'll tell him & I've no objections/ 

The involuntary praise of some of his most important an- 
tagonists was the greatest tribute. Jefferson called him the 
"Colossus of the Federalists," and upon one occasion, when 
Hamilton had written articles for Fenno's paper signed Mar- 
cellus, he wrote to Madison, informing him by whom they were 
produced, with the remark that they promised "much mis- 
chief." Madison was urged to exert himself against "this 
champion. You know the ingenuity of his talents, and there 
is not a person but yourself who can foil him. For Heaven's 
sake then, take up your pen and do not desert the public 
cause altogether." 

Much criticism has been indulged in, by those inimical to 
Hamilton, regarding a letter written by Hamilton to Gou- 
verneur Morris on July 27, 1802, shortly after the movement 
had been started to impeach several of the circuit judges by 
the anti-Federalists. This was at a time when the scurrilous 
sheets were filled with abuse of the opponents of Burr and 
Jefferson, and when Hamilton was well-nigh distracted by 
the machinations of the Democrats in his own State. "Mine 
is an odd destiny," he said; "perhaps no man in the United 
States has sacrificed or done more for the present constitu- 
tion than myself; and contrary to all my anticipations of its 
fate, as you know from the very beginning, I am still laboring 
to prop the frail and worthless fabric, yet I have the mur- 
murs of its friends no less than the curses of its foes for my 
reward. What can I do better than withdraw from the 

' Both of these letters are printed in the N. Y. Historical Society's Collections 
(Lee Papers), vol. Ill, 1873. 



282 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

scene ? Every day proves to me more and more that this 
American world was not made for me." As a rule his ene- 
mies ignore and neglect to quote a later paragraph which 
is as follows: "The time may ere long arrive when the minds 
of men will be prepared to make an effort to recover the Con- 
stitution, but the many cannot now be brought to make a 
stand for its preservation. We must wait a while." This 
is almost prophetic when we consider the re-establishment 
of national faith in this great instrument which followed 
the disorderly reign of Jefferson and his followers, down to a 
time when civil strife led to a new order of dignity and un- 
swerving devotion to the original laws of our national organ- 
ization. 



CHAPTER X 
THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 

In the fall of 1790, as has been said, Hamilton went to 
Philadelphia with his family, and applied himself assiduously 
to his financial work which had been commenced in New 
York. The obligations of the nation were great indeed, 
and consisted not only of its original indebtedness to France, 
but of debts incurred in the campaign of St. Clair against the 
Indians in the North-west, and for various other purposes. 
Much of his official labor was connected with two prospective 
foreign loans which entailed great trouble and worry, and 
met with unlooked-for opposition from Giles, a Virginian, 
whom Hamilton, however, had often befriended in the past. 
This man, acting upon instructions from Jefferson and his 
friends, did all he could in Congress to hamper Hamilton in 
his continued efforts to prevent the nation from becoming 
bankrupt, accusing him of irregular practices, and among 
other things, of favoritism to certain banks. 

Hamilton, as usual, had no trouble in thoroughly vindicat- 
ing himself and presenting ample documentary evidence of 
the perfect order of all his transactions. So that his enemies 
were again discomfited. 

About this time a new and very serious condition of affairs 
had to be met, for the international complications of the 
young republic were many. Hardly secure in her new foot- 
ing in the family of nations, her adjustment to the ways of her 
older sisters was slow and difficult. Some of this was due 

283 



284 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

to the jealousy of the two great countries, from the control 
of one of which she had freed herself a few years previously, 
and some to the chagrin that that nation naturally felt in 
the apparent success of French influence. It is true that 
"a definitive treaty of peace and friendship between His 
Britannic Majesty and the United States of America was 
signed at Paris, the 3d day of September, 1783, in the name 
of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity," but this was ap- 
parently insufficient, and Great Britain had not only left 
much undone, but had continued, among other things, to 
infringe upon the rights of the emancipated colonists. 

John Adams had been sent abroad, had signed the first 
treaty of peace, and later attempted fresh negotiations with 
England, but he was treated discourteously, though he did 
all in his power to conciliate the mother country. He re- 
turned, however, empty-handed, without having accom- 
plished anything. England was not disposed to fulfil her ob- 
ligations in paying us for the negroes she had carried away 
near the close of the Revolution, and in many ways was ar- 
rogant and unjust. The American jingoes had no warm 
welcome for Mr. Adams, and a historian of the time said, 
"after Mr. Adams' return from England he was implicated 
by a large portion of his countrymen as having relinquished 
the Republican system, and forgotten the principles of the 
American revolution which he had advocated for nearly 
twenty years." ^ 

From the overthrow of Louis XVI until 1800 and later, the 
United States not only suffered internal dissensions, but her 
relations with both England and France were of the most 
discouraging kind. Hamilton's energies were first directed 
to the establishment of a more perfect reconcihation with the 

' "History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution," 
by Mrs. Mercy Warren. Boston, 1^05. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 285 

people speaking our own tongue, and with established insti- 
tutions of the kind best calculated to benefit his own country. 
Indeed, our success and prosperity were, at an early period, 
attracting the attention and respect of Great Britain, and 
the first evidence of a tardy rapprochement was the arrival 
of George Hammond, who was sent as diplomatic agent to 
join in negotiations for a treaty. Hamilton's exertions were 
unremitting. He disregarded the aggression and the enemy 
that we and others had just defeated, for he recognized the 
advantages of harmonious relations with an important, rich, 
and powerful commercial nation. As early as 1790, both 
Hamilton and Adams showed that the trade regulations 
of Great Britain were more favorable to the United States 
than those of France, although the latter had been our 
ally. 

Owing to Jefferson's sympathy with the French, and his 
dislike of England, Hamilton's efforts at concihation and an 
orderly adaptation to new conditions were, with difficulty, 
carried on. A new and disturbing influence which made 
itself manifest about this time was the absolute change in 
our attitude toward France after her Revolution. 

After the War of Independence America bought freely 
from England, but not from France, much to the disappoint- 
ment of the latter. Then, again, the debt of the United 
States to France had been incurred at a time previous to the 
revolt and overthrow of the king, and it was seriously ques- 
tioned, even by Hamilton himself, whether the obligation 
should not be repudiated so far as the new government, which 
he never willingly recognized, was concerned. 

His sentiments are embodied in a paper hitherto unpub- 
lished which I cannot identify. It is a fragment, but was 
probably written at a time when great pressure was being 
brought by Jefferson, Paine, and others, to have the United 



286 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

States take up the cause of the French Republic, and estab- 
Hsh an entente with France. 

All this was and is seen, and the body of the people of 
America are too discerning to be long in the dark about it. 
Too wise to have been misled by foreign or domestic machi- 
nations, they adopted a constitution which was necessary 
to their safety and to their happiness. . . . Too wise to be 
ensnared by the same machinations, they will support the 
government they have established, and will take care of their 
own peace, in spite of the insidious eflForts, which are making 
to detach them from the one and to disturb the other. . . . 

The information, which the address of the Constitution 
contains, ought to serve as an instructive lesson to the people 
of this Country. It ought to teach us not to overrate /or^z^n 
friendships ... to be upon our guard against /or^z^w attach- 
ments. The former will generally be found hollow and delu- 
sive; the latter have a natural tendency to lead us aside from 
our true interest and to make us the dupe of foreign influence.^ 

Foreign influence is truly the Grecian horse to a republic. 
We cannot be too careful to exclude its entrance. Nor 
ought we to imagine that it can only make its approaches 
in the gross form of direct bribery. It is then most danger- 
ous, when it comes under the patronage of our passions, 
under the auspices of national prejudice and partiality. . . . 

I trust the morals of the country are yet too good to leave 
much to apprehend on the score of bribery. Careless con- 
descentions, flattery, in unison with our prepossessions, are 
infinitely more to be feared; and as far as there is oppor- 
tunity for corruption, it is to be remembered, that one 
foreign Power can employ this resource, as well as another, 
and that the effect must be much greater, where it is com- 
bined with the other means of influence, than where it 
stands alone. 

The observations and facts contained in this paper, while 
they lead to the conclusions just drawn, serve also to dem- 

' They introduce a principle of action, which, in effect, if the expression may 
be allowed, is anti-national. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 287 

onstrate, that as far as the conduct of France towards us in 
our late revolution created a claim to our acknowledgement 
and friendship^ these dispositions were immediately due to 
the then sovereign of the country and could not justly have 
been withdrawn from him to be placed elsewhere. 

Gratitude alone therefore would not have recommended our 
assisting the French Nation against him. ... As far as that 
principle was allowed to have any operation; — this, upon a 
just estimate,would have been the result; that we ought not 
to take part against the person on whose sole will the assist- 
ance we received had depended — that we ought not to take 
part with him, against the nation whose blood and whose 
treasure had been the means in his hands of that assistance. 

" But Louis the XVI was a Tyrant. By his perjuries and 
his crimes he forfeited his crown and his life, and with these 
his title to our esteem and sympathy. — Besides — he is now 
no more . . . whatever competition may have before ex- 
isted ceased with his death. The claim to our gratitude has 
by this devolved exclusively upon the Nation." 

That Louis was a Tyrant is contradicted too emphatically 
by the whole tenor of his Hfe to be credited without better 
evidence than has yet been produced. That he was guilty 
of the crimes which were the pretexts of his death remains 
still to be proved to an impartial world. Against the pre- 
sumption of his guilt, this strong argument, independent 
of other topics which might be urged, presents itself. . . . 
"If the Convention had possessed clear proofs of the guilt ot 
Louis, they would have promulgated them to the world in an 
authentic and unquestionable shape: Respect for the opinion 
of mankind, regard for their own character, the interests of 
their cause made this an indispensable duty, and would have 
produced a correspondent effect, if the case had admitted or 
it — The omission is a satisfactory indication that the means 
of doing it were not possessed; and that the melancholy 
catastrophe of Louis XVI was the result rather of a supposed 
political expediency than of real criminality." 

In a case so circumstanced, does it consist even with our 

* Which under a certain aspect has been conceded. 



288 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

justice or humanity to participate in the angry and vindictive 
passions, which are endeavored to be excited against him ? 

Hamilton then goes on to question the propriety of ex- 
tending the "refined and beneficient sentiment of gratitude" 
to the successors of the murdered king, and says : 

Shall we not be more sure of violating no obligation of 
that sort, of not implicating the delicacy of our national 
character, by taking no part in the contest, than by throwing 
our weight into either scale ? 

But the cause of France is the cause of Liberty. 'Tis 
our own cause; and it is our first duty to countenance and 
promote it — Whatever foundation there may be for this 
suggestion, it is entirely foreign to the question of gratitude — 
It turns upon a principle wholly distinct. Gratitude has 
reference only to kind offices received. The obligation to 
and the cause of liberty has reference to the abstract in- 
trinsic merits of that cause — It is possible that the benefactor 
may be on one side — the defenders and supporters of liberty 
on the other. Gratitude may point that way . . . the lover of 
liberty this . . . . There is a necessarydistinction to be made. 

How far the last mentioned consideration ought to operate 
with us will be hereafter examined.^ 

As usual, any attempt upon his part to even tolerate things 
British was misunderstood, and he was forever accused of 
acting against the national interests, and being an Anglo- 
phile. In this connection it is curious to find that he was 
not only unjustly judged at home, but the same fairness 
which impelled him to fight the Trespass Act many years 
before, protecting the rights of the Tories themselves, led to 
the assumption by the representative of England that he 
was really in improper sympathy with Great Britain, because 
he appeared in court in Tory cases. 

' It is sufficient to let it be said here that it is not connected with the question 
of gratitude. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 289 

Mr. Barclay/ the English Consul in New York, said 
after Hamilton's death, in a letter to a Mr. Merry: ''July 
13, 1804. By the public papers you will be informed of the 
unfortunate death of General Hamilton, one of the most 
reputable characters of this State, and a gentleman of eminent 
talents. I consider him even as a loss to His Majesty and 
our Government from the prudence of his measures, his 
conciliatory disposition, his abhorence of the French Revo- 
lution and all repubHcan principles and doctrines, and his 
great attachment to the British Government." 

After much delay and obstruction John Jay, who was then 
the Chief Justice, was sent to England with a treaty. Lord 
Grenville had already paved the way by a conciliatory speech, 
and at length there seemed to be some hope that advantageous 
commercial relations might be attained. Hamilton, who 
had first been named as an envoy, appreciating the opposition 
of those at home, and believing he could do more good in his 
own country by meeting the intrigues and hostile schemes of 
Randolph and Monroe, and at least keeping and exercising 
control of the Treasury, remained at his post. In spite of 
the attacks of Burr and the other anti-Federalists, Jay*s 
nomination in the Senate was confirmed, and he ultimately 
embarked. His mission was beset with diflficulties, for offen- 
sive and irritating measures directed against Great Britain 
were proposed, and it is said that the very ship that con- 
veyed the American representative carried insulting papers 
which were not calculated to help the treaty or to insure Jay 
a warm welcome. 

Congress had extended the embargo on EngHsh vessels, 
and did all it could to thwart the negotiations by all manner 
of petty proceedings. Another faction of the Democratic 
party sent tactless, congratulatory messages to the disor- 

^ "Correspondence of Thomas Barclay." New York, 1894. 



290 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

derly French revolutionists, and fomented the lawless feehng 
at home, which not only led to the persecution of those favor- 
ing the treaty, but to actual personal assaults. The so-called 
Jacobin clubs burned Jay in effigy and paraded the streets, 
and even brutally stoned and assaulted Hamilton when he 
attempted to speak in public. 

A French vessel loaded with gunpowder was permitted to 
pass the embargo, but was captured by the British vessels 
of war, and this also aroused new agitation. When Jay ar- 
rived in England, he was directed to demand compensation 
for losses through unlawful depredations; to insist that no 
armed force should be maintained by either party on the 
Great Lakes; that more liberal opportunities should be given 
to trade with the Indians living in the territories of either 
country; in fact, that they should not be encouraged to fight 
or be supplied with munitions of war or unusual stores. 

Besides these, compensation should be given for negroes 
carried away by the British, and various minor commercial 
and territorial concessions were demanded, some of which 
had relation to the surrender of posts. In its turn the United 
States agreed to indemnify the mother country for losses 
arising from legal obstructions interposed to the recovery of 
the ante-Revolutionary debts not exceeding in the whole a 
certain sum to be named. ^ Upon Jay's arrival on June 15, 
1794, he at first met with opposition, but the treaty, with 
slight modifications, was agreed to, and signed by Jay and 
Lord Grenville, on November 19, 1794, though not received in 
Philadelphia until almost six months later. The enmity and 
bad feehng still existed, together with much disorder, but the 
treaty was finally ratified by only four votes in 1796. Wash- 
ington's attempt to enforce it met with fresh lawlessness. 
A timid Congress was disposed to thwart its operations. It 

' See Morse's "I^ife of Alexander Hamilton," vol. II. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 291 

was then that Hamilton and his father-in-law were strongly 
alarmed — for, under the circumstances, Great Britain had 
shown an extraordinary amount of forbearance. It was, 
therefore, thought best to stir the citizens of their own State 
as well as others to a sense of danger and the possible con- 
sequences of bad faith. General Schuyler at once circu- 
lated a broadside, of which a fac-simile is given herewith, 
and in a letter to Hamilton told of his efforts to accomplish 
something. 

He also wrote to Hamilton, April 25, 1796: 

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilfon 

Dear Sir: Unadvised of the measures pursuing at New 
York, relative to the treaty with Britain, It was not deemed 
prudent to convene the citizens here on the subject, until 
we received information from your city. On Saturday 
morning the mail arrived, and the Herald announced what 
had been done. About forty citizens were immediately 
convened, and unanimously agreed to petition in the words 
of the New York petition, with no other variation than what 
was requisite to accommodate It to the people in this quarter. 
500 copies were immediately printed, proper persons ap- 
pointed to invite the signature of the Citizens individually. 
Before sunset this was compleated, all having subscribed 
Except about — • who declined. Many decided Anti- 
federalists concurred and signed. 

A circular letter was prepared, directed to the Supervizors, 
assessors and town Clerks, of the several towns in this and the 
counties to the Eastward, Northward and Westward of this. 
Several of these, with copies of the petition, are already dis- 
patched, and the residue will be sent today. — We believe 
the subscribers will be numerous. 

The petition from this city will be sent to Philadelphia by 
this day's mail. — 

We are anxious to hear the result of the Application to 
the citizens of New York, and If favorable, will It be com- 



292 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

municated in a formal manner, by the New York com- 
mittee. — 

The inclosed is copy of the letter, which accompanies the 
copy of the petition to the several towns. 

Pray drop me a line, advising me of the latest intelligence 
from Philadelphia, on this important subject. 

Adieu. My love to all 

Yours most affectionately 

Ph. Schuyler. 

Alexander Hamilton, Esq. 



This action seems to have been amply justified, for the 
strain was indeed great, and upon previous occasions acute 
trouble had been imminent, because of the presence of for- 
eign men-of-war in New York harbor. The Daily Advertiser^ 
two years previously, contained a proclamation of Governor 
George Clinton, in which he forbade "all ships and vessels 
of foreign nature except those engaged in Commerce to ap- 
proach the City nearer than one mile southward of the 
Southern-most Point of Governor's Island, and all War 
vessels above this point to retire." 

Shortly after the signing of the treaty, and when popular 
unrest had subsided, Hamilton wrote, urging the Churches 
to return. It is somewhat amusing to find that the popular 
disapproval regarding Mr. Jay's arrangements had had its 
influence, more or less, upon the sister-in-law of its most 
earnest defender. 

"Adieu my dear and naughty Brother," wrote Angelica 
Church; "it will be impossible for me to charter a vessel, for 
how can I bring out furniture when I do not know the num- 
ber of rooms my house contains. What an agreeable amia- 
ble fellow! Mr. Jay's wise treaty turned into a defender of 
what he never would himself have deigned to submit to. 
Voila mon sentiment change to si vous voulez." 



Friends and Fellow-Citizens ! 



\ OUR attention is called to a fubje^HnvoIving your in* 
tereft, yourhappinefs, and your peace. — Appearances indicate, that a dif- 
pofition prevails in a majority of the Houfe of Reprefentatives of the United 
States, not to make tlierequifite provrfion, for carrying into effe£l the Trea- 
ty lately concluded with Great Britain altho ratified on the part of the Uoi* 
ted States, by the Conilitutional Authorities thereof. 

Shoxild onr apprehenfions, excited by fuch a dlfpolltion be verified* an 
expenfive WAR, with all its attendant calamities, will probably be the refult 
"^-Indeed the very proJpedl of it, has already diminifhed the price of our 
stgricultural produce, to a confiderable extent— the depreciation will doubt- 
lefs encreafe ; whUetlie price of the necelTary foreign articles of confumption 
■will certainly rife. Under thefe impreflions, and others, arifing from cir*- 
cumftances equally important, tbe Citizens of many of the States, ar pre- 
paring remonllances on the fub jeft to the Houfe of Reprefentatives. The 
Citizens of New-York, have already concluded on their addrefs ; and have 
recommended to you and to us, to afford our aid on this ferious occafiou ; 
the inclofed copies are now fubmitted for fignature, by the Citizens of 
this city— and will, wetruft, meet with general approbation, <as Citizens of 
every political poty are equally interefted in therelult. 

Will you be pleafed to lay it before the CitizenSs of your town, for 
their determination, and if it meets with their approbation, to intreat 
their Cgnatures4 and when dgned, to tranfmit it at an early day co us« 

By order, 

Ph: Schuyler, Chairman. 

Albakt» April 23, X796. 

To the Supervifor, Afleflbrs and Town-Clerk, of the 
town of in the county of 

Fac-simile of original Broadside. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 293 

Hamilton's interest in France and Frenchmen, up to 1792, 
appears to have been continuous and intense before the 
ascendancy of the repubhc. Speaking and writing the lan- 
guage with great facihty, he not only made friends very read- 
ily, as has been shown, with the host of those who, for vari- 
ous reasons, espoused the American cause, but upon several 
occasions was sent to meet the naval and military com- 
manders upon their arrival. It was he who welcomed d'Es- 
taing, and who acted as the representative of Washington in 
arranging the details of active co-operation with our force. 
Possibly he healed internal dissensions, averted the conse- 
quences of petty jealousy, and finally sent them home in good 
spirits, for there is no doubt that the French officers were not 
always agreed, or upon the best terms with each other. The 
establishment of the Society of the Cincinnati, for which he 
was responsible, and which led to so much criticism upon the 
part of the "American Jacobins," did much to cement the en- 
tente between the American officers and their French com- 
rades in arms. 

Philadelphia had become the rendezvous of expatriated 
Frenchmen, and, as a rule, they were clever, capable, and 
uncomplaining, though they had to adapt themselves to a 
serious change of fortune, incident to the loss of all they pos- 
sessed. Mention has been made of some of these. An- 
gelica Church wrote, July 4, 1793, and her final outburst of 
patriotism is characteristic: 

Pray write to me a line to say that you are well for it is 
an age since I have seen your signature. 

I wrote yesterday and recommended to the protection of 
our dear Minister General Valence who has served in the 
French army, and who married a Daughter of the cele- 
brated Madame de Genlis who has written many and useful 
volumes on female Education. I hear my dear that you 



294 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

will give our Hamilton a hint to invite him to dinner, and 
to be civil to him for I have promised half a dozen pretty 
French w^omen to recommend him to you. 

Mrs. Bache is to return to America next month. I shall 
see her before she goes, that she may have an opportunity of 
chatting to you, for she is a sensible and reserved person and 
cannot talk without a good subject. 

Adieu my dear Sister. Pray where is Cornelia ? She 
never does me the favor to write me a line. 

My love to Angelica and the Children, embrace my dear 
Hamilton for me a la Fran9aise. 

Farewell my dear Sister. 

July the 4th, 1793, 

Vive la repuhlique! 

A few months earlier she had written to Hamilton: 

My dear Brother: You will receive this from a friend 
of mine and an admirer of your virtues and your talents. 
He goes to America to partake of that Liberty for which he 
has often exposed his hfe, and to render it all the services 
his knowledge of Europe and of the emigration about to take 
place to America, give the opportunity of doing. 

The Count de Noailles requires less recommendation than 

most people, because he is well known to you my friend. 

When you and he have talked over Europe and America, 

spare a few moments to the recollection of your faithful friend 

And affectionate sister, 

Angelica Church. 

London, February 17th, 1793. 

Alexander Hamilton, Esq. 

The Chevalier de Pontigibaud,^ who had fought in the war 
and subsequently went back to France, returned at its 
conclusion to collect the pay due him for his services, and his 

' "Memoirs," pp. 146-150. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 295 

account of an interview throws light upon the social condi- 
tions at the time. He said : 

I was glad to meet some of my old comrades in arms, 
both French and Americans; amongst others the brave and 
wise Colonel Hamilton, the friend of Washington, and who 
was afterwards unfortunately killed in a duel by Colonel 
Burgh [sic]. Hamilton, who had quitted the army and re- 
turned to civil life, was a lawyer, and pleaded in the courts 
and gave consultations. We often talked together, — much 
to my profit, — of the causes of the war, the actual condition 
of the United States, and the probable destiny of the nation. 
Anyone who had heard us talking about events which were 
then a matter of history, would have taken us for two of 
the speakers in Lucian's or Fenelon's "Dialogues of the 
Dead." "The American War," I said, "began in a very 
singular manner, and was carried on in a way yet more 
singular. It seems to me, on summing up all my observa- 
tions, that the English made a mistake in sending troops 
against you, instead of withdrawing those which were al- 
ready in the country, as did you submit at once you must 
have inevitably ended by winning sooner or later. You 
gained experience and discipline in the indecisive engage- 
ments which were fought, and the scholars were bound to 
finish by becoming as clever as their masters. Look, for in- 
stance, at the Swedes under Charles XH. and the Russians 
under Peter the Great." 

"You are right, no doubt," he replied, "but their second 
fault was to give the two brothers Howe each a command. 
The general undertook scarcely anything by land in order 
to allow his brother, the admiral, the chance to distinguish 
himself at sea. All that the English need have done was to 
blockade our ports with twenty-five frigates and ten ships 
of the line. But, Thank God, they did nothing of the 
sort." 

"Thank God, indeed," I said, "for I believe that America 
would have come to terms with the mother country. I am 
the more inclined to believe this, as I notice there are a great 



296 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

many Tories in your country, and I see that the rich families 
still cling to the King's Government." 

"Yes; and thus it happens," he replied, with a smile, "that 
though our Republic has only been in existence some ten 
years, there are already two distinct tendencies, — the one 
democratic, the other aristocratic. In Europe they always 
speak of the American Revolution, but our separation from 
the mother country cannot be called a revolution. There 
have been no changes in the laws, no one's interests have 
been interfered with, everyone remains in his place, and all 
that is altered is that the seat of government is changed. 
Real equality exists among us at present, but there is a 
remarkable difference of manners between the inhabitants 
of the Northern and Southern States. The negro is free 
at Philadelphia, but he is a slave in Virginia and Carolina. 
Large fortunes are made in the Southern States, because 
the Country is rich in production; but it is not the same in 
the Northern States." 

"Yes," I said, "those who claim to look into the future 
may see in some nation, — as you say, — two diverging tend- 
encies; the one towards democracy, the other towards aris- 
tocracy; but if some separation of these elements could be 
made quietly and without strife, would the people be any 
the happier ,? Territorial possessions are, there is no doubt, 
but lightly esteemed in your country, which is perhaps owing 
to the fact that the British or Anglo-American of today only 
dates back to Penn and his colony, or only a hundred years 
or so. An estate over here rarely remains ten or twelve 
years in the same hands." 

"That is partly due," answered he, "to the facilities for 
changing our place of residence, and to the fact that land 
which is relatively dear near the great cities, is much cheaper 
at some distance from them. Besides we are essentially 
business men; with us, agriculture is of small account; 
commerce is everything." 

"That is true," I said, " many persons believe they have but 
to land in the United States to make a fortune, and the first 
question that is put to you when you arrive, is *Do you come 
here to sell or buy.'"" 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 297 

I have given, as nearly as I can remember it, all that 
passed between the soldier-lawyer and me at this interview, 
but I cannot forget the singularly wise reflection that I heard 
him make one day, on the subject of the French interference 
in the American War. 

"Considering the question by itself," I said to him, "the 
Cabinet of Versailles would seem to have committed a po- 
litical fault in having openly supported the Americans in 
the War of Independence, and more particularly for having 
sent over here all the young nobility of the Court, who re- 
turned embued with republican principles. It has been 
maintained that the proper action for France was to remain 
neutral and take advantage of the difficulties of England, to 
occupy, and thus make her restore Canada, which has always 
remained French at heart. This double opportunity of 
war, or re-occupation, would have furnished an outlet for 
surplus population, which, failing that, has overflowed in 
the form of a revolution on our own monarchy, and has then 
inundated Europe." 

This speech made him think of the young nobles, who 
had overrun America like the sheep of Panurge, without, 
however, reducing the surplus population of France, and 
Colonel Hamilton could not help laughing as he replied: 

"You are right. I am speaking in opposition to our own 
interests, for it is to the French arms that we owe our inde- 
pendence, but your Government would, perhaps, have done 
better if it had sent us your lower orders instead of your 
upper." 

Great was the distress and misery of the people who 
crowded here to escape the persecution at home. The Count 
de Tousard was a brave artillery officer during the war of 
the Revolution, and later entered the reorganized army in 

1799- 

At the time when the disrupting influence of the French 

Republic had even extended across the Atlantic and did so 

much harm here, Tousard, who had, meanwhile, paid a visit 

to his native country, returned just before the cruel persecu- 



298 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

tion of suspected persons became so great. He wrote to 
Mrs. Hamilton the following: 

Louis Tousard to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Wilmington, June 4th, 1794. 

Madam: Too great was my trouble when I had the honor 
to meet with you a few days ago in the city; and perhaps 
you could not understand all the unfortunate events which 
I related to you. 

My sister-in-law [Mrs. Tousard's eldest sister] flying 
from under the guillotine which has destroyed most of all 
her family, guilty of no other crime but of having married a 
man of nobility, has just landed in this Continent, but the 
ship which brought her in was unhappily cast away on the 
Eastern shores of New Jersey; her and her children's life 
saved but her goods and even cloathes all lost — the news of 
her sister's death overwhelmed her entirely. 

I hastened her home, foreseeing that after so much trouble 
both of mind and body she would not be long without getting 
sick, and indeed two days after, feehng great pains in her 
body she was soon reduced so very low by the ague and 
spitting of blood that it is but since yesterday that we see some 
relaxations in her pains and in our uneasiness on her ac- 
count; but alas! I fear that she keeps in her bosom the 
principle of the disease which has carried off the dear 
Madame de Tousard. I have given her the cloathes of her 
sister. She is not in want, but the three children are most 
naked and the rigourous season is coming very fast, my re- 
sources entirely exhausted in helping so many others exist 
no more — a circumstance which concerns me so nearly 
though I was far from foreseeing it. 

In such a critical conjuncture for me, I had a mind to 
apply to Col. Hamilton and to deposite in his friendly heart 
all my anxieties and sollicitudes, but being not yet certain 
of his return at home and knowing that there is not a senti- 
ment in one of your hearts which is not felt by the others, I 
did not hesitate to apply to you, Madam, and recommend 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 299 

to your sensibility those three unfortunate children. The two 
daughters are something more than Martine and Caroline, 
the son is seven years old. I wish I could send him to col- 
lege and the two daughters to Mrs. Mitchell at Burlington, 
but it is out of my power to advance the necessary money 
for it. If any generous soul of your acquaintance could 
supply my deficiency at this moment, I hope that in a few 
years my sister-in-law would be able to return together with 
gratitude the money advanced to enable her children not 
to lose so precious a time for their education. I beg your 
pardon, Madam, for troubling you so often with the account 
of my countrymen's misfortunes; but in the same time, I 
cannot but rejoice myself in having found a heart so com- 
patient with them and your name will be for ever engraved 
in theirs. 

I have the honor to be with respect 
Madam Your most humble and obedient 

servant -n. t- 

De lousARD. 

With the overthrow of Louis XVI and the formation of 
the national Committee of Safety serious trouble was in- 
evitable, and the doctrines, if they might be so called, of the 
savage rabble found a fertile soil here for the incubation of 
revolutionary disorder. Here the unstable followers of 
Jefferson, already hating the Federalists, were quite ready 
to adopt the wild, anarchistic ideas of those who kept the 
guillotine so busy, and were ever drunk with the blood lust. 
Thomas Paine, Bentham, and a host of religious reformers, 
atheists, and communists had preached their extreme and 
socialistic doctrines. Within a few months after the murder 
of the king a note was addressed to a number of individuals, 
both here and elsewhere, making them "citizens" of the 
French Republic. The list of people thus honored included 
the names of "Georges Washington, James Maddison, 
Anacharsis Klootz, Jeremy Bentham, Joseph Priestly and 



300 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

'Jean' Hamilton." The first document was signed by 
Danton, The second by Roland. Hamilton's endorsement 
upon the back of the folio he received is indicative of the 
contempt he felt. It is as follows: 

^' Letter from Government of French Republic 
transmitting me a Diploma of Citizenship 

mistaking the Christian name. 
Oct. 1792. 
curious example of French finesse.^* 

The communication is the following. 

Paris: le 10 Octobre 1792, I'an i de la Republique 
Fran^oise. 

J'ai I'honneur de vous adresser ci-joint, Monsieur, un 
imprime revetu du sceau de I'Etat, de la Loi du 26 Aoiit 
dernier, qui confere le titre de Citoyens Francois a plusieurs 
Etrangers. Vous y lirez, que la Nation vous a place au 
nombre des amis de I'humanite et de la societe, aux quels 
EUe a defere ce titre. 

L'Assemblee Nationale, par un Decret du 9 Septembre, 
a charge le Pouvoir executif de vous adresser cette Loi; j'y 
obeis, en vous priant d'etre convaincu de la satisfaction que 
j'eprouve d'etre, dans cette circonstance, le Ministre de la 
Nation, et de pouvoir joindre mes sentimens particuHers 
a ceux que vous temoigne un grand Exemple dans I'enthou- 
siasme des premiers jours de la Uberte. 

Je vous prie de m'accuser la reception de ma Lettre, afin 
que la Nation soit assuree que la Loi vous est parvenue, et 
que vous comptez egalement les Francois parmi vos Freres. 

Le Ministre de I'lnterieur 

de la Republique Fran^oise Roland. 

M. Jean Hamilton, dans les Etats-Unis de I'Amerique.* 

* Paris, the loth October, 1792, the First Year of the French Republic. 
I have the honor. Monsieur, to herewith address you a printed document in- 
vested with the Seal of State, of the Law of the 26th of last August, which confers 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 301 

As a result of his sympathy with the French cause, Joseph 
Priestley,^ one of those honored by the certificate of citizen- 
ship, found his stay in England so uncomfortable that he 
came here in 1794. An English mob had attacked his labo- 
ratory, wrecked his house, and violently assaulted him so 
that he barely escaped with his life. He appears to have 
known Mr. Church in London, and came with a letter of 
introduction. 

Angelica Church to Alexander Hamilton 

My dear Brother: You will have the pleasure to receive 
this letter by Dr. Priestley, a man dear to virtue and to science. 
Without the advantage and satisfaction of his acquaintance, 
I revere him for his works, and take a particular interest that 
he should be well received in America. That happy coun- 
try which seems reserved by Providence as an Assylum from 
the crimes and persecutions which make Europe the pity 
and disgrace of the age. 

You my dear Brother will receive with distinguished kind- 
ness this worthy stranger, (if he whose breast teems with the 
love of mankind may anywhere be called a stranger) and 
make our country so dear to him as to cause him to forget 
that which he leaves at an advanced period of Life and which 
he has most ably served. 

the titles of French Citizens upon several Foreigners. In it you will read that the 
Nation numbers you amongst those friends of humanity and Society upon whom it 
confers this title. 

The National Assembly, by a Decree of the 9th September, instructs the Execu- 
tive Power to present you with this Law; I obey it, entreating you to believe in the 
satisfaction I feel in being, upon this occasion, the Minister of the Nation, and in 
being able to unite my private sentiments to those conveyed to you by a great people 
in the enthusiasm of its first days of liberty. 

I beg that you will acknowledge the receipt of my letter, so that the Nation may 
be sure the Law has reached you, and that you likewise consider the French as 
your Brethren, 

Minister of the Interior of the French Republic, 

Roland. 

Mr. Jean Hamilton, 
in the U. S. of America. 

* The discoverer of o-xygen gas. 



302 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Mr. Church is under the first attack of the Gout. He 
unites in love to you and dear EHza. 

I am my dear Brother 

your affectionate sister 

Angelica Church. 

England had declared war upon France, and this was not 
without its influence upon the democrats or French sym- 
pathizers, as well as the patriots abroad. Angelica Church 
wrote from London: "My heart beats with anxiety and 
fear. The Americans here speak of a war between this coun- 
try and one a thousand fold dearer to me which Heaven 
avert. In consequence of this an order from the British 
Court has been issued to take all ships heading for France 
or her Colonies. Show this to Hamilton and bid him write 
to me for he is too silent." 

This action led, not only to much interference with 
commerce, but much injustice was done to American sub- 
jects. 

The interference with American shipping by English 
cruisers never entirely stopped, and during the war with 
France this was often most offensive. Mr. Richard Olive 
was a prosperous merchant in New York, but after the 
French Revolution he attempted to take his family back for a 
visit, with disagreeable results which he communicated to his 
friend, Alexander Hamilton, who was also his lawyer, in this 
pathetic letter : 

Richard Olive to Alexander Hamilton 

Dartmouth, Sep. 1801. 

There could not possibly be two more astounding con- 
trasts for us than that from New York to Dartmouth to which 
place we have been brought after 35 days' passage; the 
interest and kindness with which you have honored my 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 303 

family make it my duty to give you a faithful account of the 
events that have happened to us since we left happy America, 
that beautiful part of the v^orld in v^hich Providence has 
placed men who do honor to humanity! 

We were sailing with perfect security under a flag that we 
believed to be more than ever respected in Europe, since 
generous America had covered the ocean with her vessels in 
order to succour England by sending her the large quantity 
of provisions she lacked. Personally I was perfectly tran- 
quil [undisturbed ?] being provided with a passport from 
Col. Barclay,^ under whose protection I thought to be secure 
from all persecution in regard to the time at which I had 
emigrated; at the entrance to the Channel we were met by 
the British Cruiser Fly, Captain Thomas Duval, homeward 
bound from the African Coast; he sent Captain Jan Landon 
on board the Georgia to examine all her papers with strict at- 
tention, having found them all correct he allowed us to pro- 
ceed; the examining officer told Capf" Duval that there was 
a French family on board, and that M.^^ Olive had not left 
her bed since leaving N. York; we were quite close to the 
English frigate; it was perfectly calm; Capf" Duval came 
on board with his surgeons to offer assistance to M*"® Olive 
with a grace that yet adorns mankind. To this gallant and 
generous officier of His Majesty I showed all that I must 
naturally feel in such circumstances; he was short of pro- 
visions, I had the satisfaction of offering him half of mine, 
and during the 5 days that we were within reach there was a 
continual engagement of proceedings in no wise hurtful and 
that leave no trace but those of reciprocal esteem; Monsieur 
Duval, a young officer whose merit shows itself in spite of 
great modesty, is that one sent by Lord Nelson overland to 
India after the battle of the Nile, and who went and returned 
so promptly; this fact alone proves that he is one of the most 
distinguished officers; I have infinite pleasure Monsieur, in 
giving you these details before telling you their hideous 
contrast. 

The Fly was nearly out of sight when we were stopped by 

'Thomas Barclay, H. B. M. Consul General at this time and until 1812. 



304 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

two cutters, calling themselves cutters of the King. They 
sent two boats aboard; they examined our papers and having 
found them all correct ordered us to proceed. Captain 
Landon was working the ship ahead, when upon second 
thoughts he was ordered to stop, and soon after they boarded 
us in numbers in order to take us into Dartmouth, which we 
reached the evening of the 17th August. I could fill twenty 
pages with the account of the barbarous treatment my family 
endured from the two lieutenants commanding these two 
cutters, armed by private individuals and hired out to the 
King. We were confined to the ship twelve days and twelve 
nights, without holding any communication with anyone 
whatsoever; M™® Olive and her daughters were searched 
in their beds and themselves searched to the skin; they forced 
themselves into the cabin where my sick wife lay, in order to 
rob her for three days of the only servant she had; I was then 
escorted to land; in short, towards us they violated the Rights 
of Nations, the Rights of Men, the protection of passports, 
the Rights of decency and even the rights of humanity! In 
vain I asked to see the Governor, the Commander, the Mag- 
istrates, with tears of rage and despair; our two tyrants re- 
plied with an insulting smile that it was the way of the service; 
at last I managed to get a letter to Monsieur Rufus King, 
your Ambassador, telling him in the confusion of my grief 
that I had no claim upon his protection except that my family 
had the honor of his acquaintance, and that two of my chil- 
dren were born in his country; he did not lose a moment and 
applied to Lord St. Vincent with an interest and kindness 
that filled me with sentiments that no words can express; 
thus even in Europe, Monsieur, America still protects my 
unfortunate family; what do we not owe this second father- 
land! 

Thanks to Mr. King and to Monsieur Duval who also took 
measures, we are on land, and are meeting with comforting 
tokens of kindness on the part of all the reputable inhabit- 
ants of Dartmouth, and even from the people, who have been 
told of the severity of the two men who are a disgrace to their 
society. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 305 

The governor has taken in my two eldest daughters and 
we are now amongst noble and generous English, awaiting 
orders from the Admiralty. 

Captain Landon left three days ago for London, he was 
held prisoner several days; this estimable Captain redoubled 
his consideration, exertions and attentions towards my 
family in our distress. I and mine owe him eternal grati- 
tude. Without the slightest ceremony they deprived me of 
all my books, my private papers, not leaving me a single one, 
and that without taking an inventory, without a receipt, 
without a soul to represent me during the examination. 
They are at the mercy of the two lieutenants in a lodging 
house; dead oak leaves could not be neglected with less 
care. 

I expect justice from the Government, if necessary I will go 
to London to obtain it; if not for myself for those who in the 
future might experience similar persecution. 

I should not know Europe again, ah! Monsieur, how it is 
all changed! This town had 150 ships. At this moment 
nine only are being equipped for Newfoundland; the people 
are tired of war, they sigh and long for peace; everything 
is at a standstill; children and old men — such would de- 
scribe the inhabitants of the town. Everyone speaks with a 
kind of envy of the prosperity of the United States, in all con- 
versation it is disputed and asked which country offers the 
greatest resources f as if each one had thoughts of leaving; 
I am telling you the exact truth; I also expect to find many 
changes in my own country, but I had no idea of all that I 
see here. I beg you to present the most respectful regards 
from my family to Madame Hamilton and to M"^® Church, 
whose kindness will never be effaced from our hearts. 

With assurance of profound respect Monsieur, I am 
Your very humble & obedient servant, 

RicHD. Olive. 



3o6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

All this time revolutionary clubs were forming, and a large 
part of the community was in sympathy with the "sister 
republic." ' 

Angelica Church wrote, January i, 1793, to her sister 
from London: 

The French are mad, but I have a great curiosity to be 
well informed in what light they are regarded by the ma- 
jority of America and what is the opinion of the discerning 
few. You have intelligence at hand. Alexander can tell 
you all. I hear the Jacobins have already made a thrust at 
him, but that he defended himself with vigour. 

A year later she wrote: 

If you ever meet Mr. Bache the printer pray tell him that 
in France they say that Jacobin clubs are the center of se- 
dition and they are suppressed by the Convention amid the 
applause and blessings of the people — this will be a very 
agreeable article to his supporters the Jacobin democrats. 

JeflPerson's life in France admirably fitted him as leader 
for the so-called "Republican" party at home. In his 
"Notes on Virginia" his contemptuous state of mind is ap- 

* The Gazette Nationals or Moniteur UniverseUe, No. 276, October, 1793, con- 
tained the following: 

"Jacobin Society. 
Coupe de Loise in the Chair. 

The Republican Society of Charleston in Carolina, one of the United States of 
America, demand of the Jacobin Club its adoption. 

Hautier: "We have spilt our blood for the establishment of American liberty. 
I think that the Americans ought to do the same for us, before we grant them 
adoption." 

A Citizen: "Before engaging them to intermeddle in our war, it is necessary to 
understand one another, to come to an agreement, with them. I do not see, then, a 
more efficacious way for the previous reunion than an adoption of this society." 

Collot d'Herbois after making some general observations says: "Nevertheless, we 
should not neglect the advantages which may arise from this advance. I conclude 
that we agree to this adoption." 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 307 

parent, and on his return he began the attack on the so- 
called "monarchical party," in other words, the Federalists. 
Imbued with more or less of the discontent and revolution- 
ary feelings of those in France who had just murdered their 
king, he was quite ready to lend himself to the disorder that 
had been stirred up by the French agents in the United States. 
Edmond Charles Genet,^ representing the French Republic, 
landed in Charleston, South Carolina, April 9, 1793, with 
his pockets filled with blank commissions and appointments, 
and fitted out the privateer Emhuscade, which patrolled the 
coast and captured an English merchantman, which it 
took into Philadelphia. This city, which was then full of 
emigres and French sympathizers, including the redoubtable 
Talleyrand, was in a state of mind to eagerly welcome the 
swashbuckling Genet, who tied his vessel up to the Market 
Street wharf, all decorated with the insignia of the revolu- 
tionists at home. The bow, stern, and top of the foremast 
of the Embuscade, we learn, were adorned with Hberty caps, 
while inscriptions were attached to other parts of the ship, 
all breathing of extravagant promises of liberty, equality, and 
fraternity. A body of leading citizens, headed by Jefferson 
and Governor Mifflin, and including Clement Biddle, Ritten- 
house, Dallas, Dulonceau, and others, heartily welcomed the 
French minister with salvos of artillery and fulsome speeches; 
and, without waiting until he had presented his credentials 
to President Washington, he accepted an invitation to din- 
ner, which was a remarkably disorderly event. Washington's 
reception of the man was dignified but freezing, and Genet's 

* Gouverneur Morris had taken Genet's measure before he came to the United 
States, and in a letter to Washington written January 6, 1793, said: "I have seen M. 
Genet and he has dined with me since I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 
28th of last month. He has, I think, more of genius than ability, and you will see in 
him at first blush the manner and look of an upstart. My friend the Marechal de 
Segur had told me that M. Genet was a clerk at £50 per annum in his office while 
Secretary of War." — "Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris," vol. II, p. 25. 



3o8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

embarrassment was further increased by finding pictures of 
the dead king upon the walls of the executive mansion. His 
indignation knew no bounds, and this "insult" was only 
made bearable by the kind sympathy of his new friends, and 
another public dinner, which must have been a veritable 
saturnalia. One of the dishes was a roast pig, which Genet 
proceeded to stick with his knife, meanwhile crying, "Ty- 
rant! tyrant!" He then placed upon his own head a liberty 
cap, which was transferred to the heads of the others in 
turn, while the "Marseillaise" was sung by the half-crazed 
party. 

The state of popular feeling was incredible, and the Jacobin 
clubs, which represented the disorderly majority, lost no 
opportunity of praising Genet, and encouraging him in his 
obstinate course of fitting out privateers to prey upon English 
commerce. So bad did this become that Chief Justice Jay 
was obliged to issue a warning, and declared it the duty of 
all grand juries to prosecute persons guilty of such violations 
of the laws. English prizes were restored to their owners, 
and even Jefferson, who had silently encouraged the rabble, 
slowly realized that he was Secretary of State, and tardily 
admonished Genet, 

The incredible arrogance and impudence of this individual 
was such that he threatened to appeal from the President 
and his advisers to the people; but luckily the noisy mob 
was then really in the minority, and cooler reason prevailed. 
Before this point had been reached, however. Genet at- 
tempted to fit out the English prize that had been seized by 
the Emhuscadey which he called the Little Sarah or Petit 
Democrat. Hamilton, who had stood shoulder to shoulder 
with Washington, here asserted himself. The situation is 
summed up in a letter, written by the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury to Rufus King: 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 309 



Alexander Hamilton to Rufus Ktng^ 

Philadelphia, Aug. 13, 1793. 

Dear Sir: The post of to-day brought me your letter of 
the loth, but I was too much engaged to reply to it by return 
of post. 

The facts with regard to Mr. Genet's threat, to appeal 
from the President to the people, stand thus: 

On Saturday, the 6th of July last, the warden of this port 
reported to Governor Mifflin that the brig Little Sarahy since 
called the Petit Democrat (an English merchant vessel, 
mounting from two to four guns, taken off our coast by the 
French frigate the Ambuscade, and brought into this port), 
had very materially altered her military equipments, having 
then fourteen iron cannon and six swivels mounted, and it 
being understood that her crew was to consist of one hundred 
and twenty men. 

Governor Mifflin, in consequence of this information, 
sent Mr. Dallas to Mr. Genet to endeavor to prevail upon 
him to enter into an arrangement for detaining the vessel in 
port, without the necessity of employing for that purpose 
military force. 

Mr. Dallas reported to Governor Mifflin that Mr. Genet 
had absolutely refused to do what had been requested of him, 
that he had been very angry and intemperate, that he had 
complained of ill-treatment from the government, and had 
declared that "he would appeal from the President to the 
people;" mentioned his expectation of the arrival of three 
ships of the line, observing that he would know how to do 
justice to his country, or, at least, he had a frigate at his com- 
mand, and could easily withdraw himself from this; adding 
that he would not advise an attempt to take possession of the 
vessel, as it would be resisted. 

The refusal was so peremptory that Governor Mifflin, in 
consequence of it, ordered out 120 men for the purpose of 
taking possession of the vessel. 

' "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. V, p. 574. 



310 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

This conversation between Genet and Dallas was in toto 
repeated by General Mifflin to General Knox the day follow- 
ing, and the day after that the governor confirmed the 
declaration with regard to appealing to the people, owned 
that something like the threat to do justice to his country 
by means of the ships of the line was thrown out by Mr. 
Genet, but showed an unwillingness to be explicit on this 
point, objecting to a more particular disclosure, that it would 
tend to bring Mr. Dallas into a scrape. 

Mr. Jefferson, on Sunday, went to Mr. Genet, to endeavor 
to prevail upon him to detain the Petit Democrat until the 
President could return and decide upon the case, but, as Mr. 
Jefferson afterwards communicated, he absolutely refused 
to give a promise of the kind, saying only that she would not 
probably be ready to depart before the succeeding Wednes- 
day, the day of the President's expected return. This, how- 
ever, Mr. Jefferson construed into an intimation that she 
would remain. Mr. Jefferson also informed that Mr. Genet 
had been very unreasonable and intemperate in his con- 
versation (though he did not descend to particulars), and 
that Dallas had likewise told him (Mr. Jefferson) that Genet 
had declared he would appeal from the President to the 
people. 

The Petit Democrat, instead of remaining as Mr. Jeffer- 
son had concluded, fell down to Chester previous to the Wed- 
nesday referred to, where she was when the President re- 
turned. A letter was written to Mr. Genet, by order of the 
President, informing him that the case of the vessel, among 
others, was under consideration, and desiring that she might 
be detained until he should come to a decision about her, but 
this requisition was disregarded. She departed in defiance 
of it. 

I give this detail that you may have the whole subject before 
you, but I cannot authorize you to make use of it all. The 
circumstance of the letter may be omitted. It may be said 
generally that a requisition was made of Mr. Genet, by order 
of the President, for the detention of the vessel. All that 
part, however, which is scored or underlined, may be freely 




ALEXANDER HAMILTON: AGE 45 
From a painting by John Trumbull 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 311 

made up. This part is so circumstanced as to take away all 
scruples of personal or political delicacy. 'Tis not so much 
with the rest. It can therefore only be confidently disclosed 
to persons whose discretion may be relied on, and whose 
knowledge of it may be useful. 

It is true (as you have heard) that things, if possible still 
more insulting, have since been done by Mr. Genet; but of 
this at present no use can be made, no more than of some 
antecedent transactions nearly, if not quite, as exceptional. 
The mass would confound Mr. Genet and his associates. 
Perhaps it may not be long before a promulgation will take 
place. 

I am of opinion with you that the charge ought to be in- 
sisted upon. 

P. S. — The case does not require the naming General 
Knox or myself, and it will therefore not be done. It is to be 
observed that the equipments of the Petit Democrat are, in 
strictest sense, an original fitting out. She was before a 
merchant vessel; here she was converted into a vessel com- 
missioned for war, of considerable force. 

General Schuyler, who was in Albany, wrote from that 
place, December 15, 1793, to his son-in-law: 

My Dear Sir: I am happy that the children are safely 
arrived with you. I hope that you and my Eliza are in 
health. 

The president's message of the 5th has reached us. I am 
rejoiced that he has been so explicit relative to the French 
anarchists. The parties here who had boldly asserted that 
the imputation of an appeal to the people was a fabrication 
to injure the French cause, stand abashed, — and I am per- 
suaded that Genet's intemperance has served the Federal 
interest instead of injuring It. 

We are all in health and join in love. My AngeHca is per- 
fectly happy, and very hvely. 

I am Sir Your Affectionate 

Ph. Schuyler. 



312 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Genet's offensive methods were such that, in 1793, the 
President issued a proclamation of neutrality, referred to in 
Schuyler's letter, and which, though distasteful to the Demo- 
crats who called it an "edict of royalty," put an end to his 
activities. He was succeeded by Jean Antoine Fauchet, 
a less explosive and more rational man, who represented 
the republic in 1794-95, and by Pierre Augustus Adet in 
1795-97. This latter made an issue of the treaty of 1778, 
and presented a note from the Directory which "declared 
that the flag of the republic would treat all neutral flags as 
they permitted themselves to be treated by the English." 

It is somewhat remarkable that Washington, with all his 
experience of Genet, should have received either of the two 
later representatives of the republic as he did. The papers 
of the day refer to the presentation by Adet of a " beautiful 
flag of silk — the tri-color," and print Washington's fraternal 
and sympathetic response to Adet's speech; but it is to be 
supposed that diplomacy of this kind was a necessity, though 
a distasteful concession to a cause which both he and the 
Federalists generally abominated. The activity of the press 
at the time was ceaseless, and no occasion was lost to lam- 
poon, either in letter, press, or caricature, the government 
or its opponents, Jefferson even coming in for his share. He 
was held up to ridicule in a broadside entitled Observations on 
the Dispute between the United States and France by Harper, 
which contained an especially stinging caricature. Numer- 
ous other broadsides also appeared — one of them bearing 
the title, "The Guillotine — or a Democratic Dirge," which 
was published by Thomas Bradford in Philadelphia, in 1796. 

It is difficult to conceive the discomfort of those who had 
daily to witness the low imitation of the doings in Paris dur- 
ing the Reign of Terror. Sympathy with the specious and 
picturesque doctrines and teachings of the French was evi- 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 313 

dent in the adoption of all the horrors except the guillotine. 
The high and low were all citizens or citizenesses, and the 
marriage notices in the Philadelphia newspapers invariably 
gave these appellations to the contracting parties. It was 
"Citizen Brown," or "Citizenesse Jones," and this continued 
until it became too ridiculous to be tolerated. 

Upon the occasion of Genet's dinner, one of the taverns 
showed a painting of the gory body of Marie Antoinette, and 
the sheets covering it were decorated with the tri-color. 

Herman Le Roy was a prosperous merchant of New York, 
and a partner of Bayard McEvers. He, like others who were 
sane citizens, suffered from persecution not only at home, but 
in France, and on March 29, 1793, he wrote to his friend and 
lawyer, Hamilton, suggesting an ingenious method of reim- 
bursement for this seizure of his property by those in control 
of France at the time : 

Dear Sir: A part of the Estate which my Father has left 
consists in French Funds, while from the distracted situation 
that Country is in, neither principal or interest can be pro- 
cured upon same. Since the United States are indebted to 
France, and they are now actually discharging same, pray 
would it not be possible to indemnify us, as American Citi- 
zens, out of the debt due them, by producing the Funds at 
their Charge, which can be proved have been in the family 
for upwards of half a Century .? Some of our Law Characters 
here have suggested the possibility of such a scheme being 
practicable, which alone induces me to sollicit the favor of 
your giving me your kind advice and opinion upon the sub- 
ject, in doing of which you will render me a particular ser- 
vice, which on all occasions I shall be always happy to repay 
with sincere gratitude. 

I am ever with Sincere esteem & respects 

Dear Sir Your humble Servant, 

Herman Le Roy; 

Alex. Hamilton, Esq. 



314 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

When the Hamiltons went to Philadelphia with the other 
members of the Cabinet they found themselves in a merry 
throng of agreeable people who entertained frequently and 
lavishly. The Binghams and their connections were chief 
among the non-official set — William Bingham had mar- 
ried the beautiful young daughter of Thomas Willing, and 
after their return from England built a grand house, and 
hither flocked the charming society which Chastellux, and 
other writers, declared to be far more gay and agreeable 
than that of New York. The President occupied the Morris 
house, and immediately entered upon the social duties of his 
office. Levees, drawing-rooms, and dinners were in order, 
and in their way were elaborate and attractive, although it 
is stated by one carping critic, a lady who had been abroad, 
that the rooms were "despicable" and "etiquette was not to 
be found." ^ At these functions we find the "ladies of the 
Court," as they were called by Mrs. John Adams, and these 
include the wives of the Cabinet — the Binghams, Willings, 
Morrises, the Misses Allen and Chew, "Sally" McKean, 
daughter of the Chief Justice, and "Dolly" Madison, Mrs. 
Stewart, Henry Clymer, James Greenleaf, George Clymer; 
the delightful French gentlemen who were in Philadelphia, 
and Van Berkle, Lord Wycombe, the eldest son of the Mar- 
quis of Lansdowne, who, as Lord Shelburne, did so much 
to further the treaty of 1783, and the Spanish and Portuguese 
ministers. Neither Genet, Adet, nor Fauchet seemed to be 
in good favor, because of their ofi^ensive conduct. 

Theophilus Bradbury described a men's dinner, given by 
the President, in 1795, as follows: "In the middle of the 
room was placed a piece of table furniture about six feet long 
and two feet broad, rounded at both ends. It was either of 
wood gilded or polished metal raised only about one inch, 

' Mrs. John Adams. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 315 

with a silver rim round it like that round a tea-board. In 
the centre was a pedestal of plaster of Paris with images 
upon it and on the end figures male and female of the same. 
It was very elegant and used for ornament only. The 
dishes were placed all around and there was an elegant va- 
riety of roast beef, veal, turkey, ducks, fowl, ham, puddings, 
jellies, oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, figs, raisins and a 
variety of wines and punch. We took our leave at six, more 
than an hour after the candles were introduced. No lady 
but Mrs. Washington dined with us. We were waited on 
by four or five men servants dressed in livery." ^ 

It may, perhaps, have been this very dinner of which the 
ascetic William Maclay, senator from Pennsylvania, in his 
"Sketches," said: "Dined with the President of the United 
States. It was a dinner of dignity. All the Senators present, 
and the Vice-President. I looked often around the com- 
pany to find the happiest faces. Wisdom, forgive me if I 
wrong thee, but I thought folly and happiness were the 
most nearly allied. The President seemed to bear in his 
countenance a settled aspect of melancholy. No cheering 
ray of convivial sunshine broke through the cloudy gloom 
of settled seriousness. At every interval of eating and drink- 
ing he played on the table with a fork and knife like a drum- 
stick." 

On May 5, 1789, at the request of General Washington, 
Hamilton, who was then Secretary of the Treasury, pre- 
pared a 'code of etiquette for the use of the President. This 
he prefaced: "The public good requires, as a primary object, 
that the dignity of the office should be supported. What- 
ever is essential to this ought to be pursued though at the 
risk of partial or momentary dissatisfaction. But care will 
be necessary to avoid extensive disgust or discontent. Men's 

* Pennsylvania Magazine, VIII, p. 226. 



3i6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

minds are prepared for a pretty high tone in the demeanor 
of the executive, but I doubt whether for so high a tone as in 
the abstract might be desirable. The notions of equahty are 
yet, in my opinion, too general and too strong to admit of 
such a distance being placed between the President and other 
branches of the government as might even be consistent 
with a due proportion. The following plan will, I think, 
steer clear of extremes, and involve no very material incon- 
veniences." 

He then suggested that there should be a "levee day once a 
week for receiving visits," and that the President should re- 
main half an hour. During this time he "may converse 
cursorily on indifferent subjects." A mode of introduction 
through particular officers is insisted upon, and no visits are 
to be returned. Upon the anniversary of important events 
of the Revolution formal entertainments are to be given, but 
these are not to exceed in number "twice or four times a 
year." If the former number, the Fourth of July and the 
Inauguration Day are to be those selected. 

If an entertainment is to be given four times, the day of 
the treaty alliance with France, and that of the definitive 
treaty with Britain are to be added to the other. He then 
went on to recommend the "method practiced in some Euro- 
pean Courts," which involves the entertainment of foreign 
ministers and other distinguished strangers. Suggestions as 
to the issuance of invitations, the character of the dinner- 
parties, and the question of rank are fully gone into, and the 
matter of precedence is discussed, so far as the members of 
the Senate and the House of Representatives are concerned, 
and, with few changes, these conventions have been practi- 
cally observed up to the beginning of the past decade. 

Washington appeared to have been very grateful to Ham- 
ilton for all this, and in a reply sent the same day he said: 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 317 

Dear Sir: I beg you to accept my unfeigned thanks for 
your friendly communications of this date, and that you will 
permit me to entreat a continuation of them as occasions 
may arise. 

The manner chosen for doing it is most agreeable to me. 
It is my wish to act right; if I err, the head and not the heart 
shall, with justice, be chargeable. 

With sentiments of sincere esteem and regard, 
I am, dear Sir 

Your obed*. Serv't 

Geo. Washington. 



The domineering conduct of the French finally became 
unendurable. This was a natural result of a variety of 
causes — not the least of and important of which was the 
supineness and venal trickery of Edmund Randolph who, 
when Secretary of State in 1794, weakly gave way to the im- 
pudent demands of Fauchet and Adet as far as he could, 
despite the opposition of Hamilton and the outraged mem- 
bers of the Cabinet. 

Randolph's undoing occurred in a dramatic manner, and, 
despite his attempts at vindication he failed completely, and 
left the public service a defaulter. During his connivance 
with Fauchet, he wrote a letter to the latter, in which he 
alleged that for a money consideration certain interests 
could be turned to the French; that owing to Hamilton's 
activity in suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion he was hated 
by every one, and, in fact, it was but a plot upon his part 
and that of the Federalists to exploit himself and declare 
for a monarchy, and that France could easily count upon 
popular support. These and other absurd statements were 
embodied in the foolish letter. Unfortunately, when on its 
way to Fauchet, the vessel which carried it was captured by 
an English vessel, and the original letter was sent to Mr. 



3i8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Hammond, the Minister from Great Britam, who delivered 
it to Washington. The situation that followed can well be 
conceived. 

The depredations of the French privateers aloHg our 
coasts were apparently unceasing, and there was scarcely a 
harbor into which some prize was not brought every few 
days by the impudent and high-handed Frenchmen. The 
Secretary of the Treasury had instructed the Collector of 
Customs, in a letter written August 4, 1793, to prevent the 
fitting out of privateers in ports of the United States, and 
they were required to "visit in the strictest manner, not only 
all privateers, but all vessels entering or going out of Ameri- 
can Ports." Notwithstanding the most energetic measures 
the law was violated, and the courts of the country were kept 
busy. After Washington's proclamation La Cassius, L'Ami 
de la Point a Petre, L' Amour de la Liberie, La Vengeance, 
La Montague, Le Vanqueur de la Bastile, La Carmagnole, 
L'Esperance, Citizen Genet, and Sans Pareil were the worst 
offenders, and Dutch, English, and Spanish vessels were 
captured and taken to New York, Newport, and Norfolk. 
Fights were even frequent between English and French ves- 
sels within the confines of the same harbor. Callender, in 
his mischievous way, tried to increase popular sympathy 
for the French cause, and, to create prejudice against the 
English, referred to the fact that certain members of Ameri- 
can crews were "pressed" by English cruisers in the West 
Indies. 

Adet was constantly stirring up mischief — one of his com- 
plaints being that he and Fauchet had been snubbed and dis- 
criminated against on ceremonial occasions. "The French 
Ministers," he said, "have always enjoyed the precedency 
as to those of England, not only in the United States, but 
throughout the World, and France, as a repubhc, has pos- 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 319 

sessed and will preserve the rank she has had in the Diplo- 
matic Corps under her ancient regime." ^ 

Hamilton had already left the Cabinet, but was alive to 
all of the interference vv^ith our rights as a nation, and felt the 
insults very keenly. Adams had sent Gerry, Marshall, and 
Pinckney to France to obtain compensation for the depre- 
dations on commerce; but they returned after submitting 
to indignities forced upon them by Talleyrand and his mis- 
tress, who acted as his representative, and they declined to 
pay a douceur to the latter to gain the favor of her impu- 
dent protector. 

About this time General Schuyler wrote to Hamilton: 

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton 

Albany, Monday, April loth, 1797. 

My dear Sir: The Governor left this on the day of the 
date of your letter enclosing one for him, — which as it is now 
useless I do not return to you. 

I am so rpuch indisposed that I apprehend I shall not 
be able to attend Congress at the opening of the Session, 
If at all. 

In the present posture of our affairs France seems to have 
left us no alternative but a mean and Ignominious submis- 
sion to her despotic caprice or a dignified resentment. Under 
my present feelings I am for the latter, even at the risk of an 
open rupture, for I believe it better manfully to meet a war 
than to degrade the national character by a pusillanimous 
acquiescence to Insult and injury. — Our Commerce will 
suffer, but It suffers already as much or nearly as much as 
It would were war actually proclaimed. — Our seaports too 
will be exposed to insult, they are so already — and we have 
no means of protecting them, unless we seek aid where only 
It is to be found as well for the protection of our commerce 
as of our ports, I mean by an alliance with Britain. It is 

• Letter to Timothy Pickering. 



320 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

not now and I believe never will be the interest of that nation 
to see France domineer over us. — It cannot be the interest 
of the former ones to attempt to annex their states to her 
dominions. I believe we are more valuable to her, Mutual 
good will as independent states than we would be as colonies. 
— Indeed the attempt by other nations to subjugate us ap- 
pears to me must most certainly fail. 

I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you, My Dear Eliza 
and the Children here at the close of this or early in next 
week. 

God bless you all 

Yours most affectionately 

Ph. Schuyler. 

When, in 1799, Adams sent Vans Murray, who was gen- 
erally regarded as a weak and incompetent man, to France 
to continue negotiations there was much dissatisfaction. 
General Schuyler again addressed Hamilton, March 20, 
1799: "The President's nomination of ambassador to 
France appears to me a measure replete with weakness and 
inconsistency, and has in my opinion degraded himself and 
his country, — and if he was previous to the nomination ad- 
vised that French agents were to be sent from Hamburgh to 
sow discord, and create insurrection in this country, his con- 
duct merits epithets much more severe than weakness and 
inconsistency." 

France had, meanwhile, grown tired of the trouble, and 
possibly hesitated because of the energetic preparation for 
war that had been already undertaken in the United States. 
Murray was really sent in response to a hint from Talley- 
rand, who saw the drift of things, and the advisabihty of 
avoiding an expensive war. Hamilton, whose policy had 
been to proceed in such a way as to make France see the 
error of her ways and herself make diplomatic overtures, 
was already planning defensive measures. He, as well as 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 321 

the other Federalists, was naturally Incensed when Adams 
supinely sent some one to actually sue for peace, thus hu- 
miliating the nation he represented. 

Upon the ignominious return of the original commission, 
whose unsuccessful efforts only widened the breach that had 
previously existed, the exasperation of an insulted people 
passed all bounds and a general popular movement was 
started to furnish ships and munitions of war. Of this 
commission, Marshall appears really to have been the only 
member who saved its face, while Gerry, by his weakness, 
greatly compromised his fellow members. 

Washington, who already in 1798, had been appointed 
Commander-in-Chief, insisted that Hamilton should, as 
Major-General, come after him, while Generals Pinckney 
and Knox were to follow in the order named. President 
Adams, who even then disliked Hamilton intensely, would 
not endorse Washington's choice, insisting that Knox should 
be the second in command. "He refused to admit that 
Hamilton was the man best fitted for the post, and was so 
considered by the Public; he plunged himself and his party 
into a bitter, personal quarrel, and all because he disliked 
Hamilton and was enraged at the opposition of the Cabinet 
to himself." * The ultimate result was that Washington 
gave his ultimatum that Hamilton should have the place or 
he would resign. This was too much for Adams and he re- 
luctantly gave Hamilton the first command. 

* Lodge's "Alexander Hamilton," p. 207. 



1 



322 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



Alexander Hamilton to George Washington 

New York, gth August, 1798. 

My dear Sir: A necessary absence from this City pre- 
vented the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant till yesterday. 

It is very gratefull to me to discover in each preceding oc- 
currence a new mark of your friendship towards me. Time 
will evince that it makes the impression it ought on mymind. 

The effect which the course of the late military appoint- 
ment has produced on General Knox though not very un- 
expected is very painful to me. I have a respectful sense 
of his pretentions as an officer — and I have a warm personal 
regard for him — My embarrasment is not inconsiderable 
between these sentiments, and what I owe to a reasonable 
conduct on my own part, both in respect to myself and to 
the public. 

It is a fact that a number of the most influencial men in 
our affairs would think in waving the preference given to me 
I acted a weak part in a personal vein — And General Knox 
is much mistaken if he does not believe that this sentiment 
would emphatically prevail in that Region, to which he 
supposes his character most interesting, I mean New Eng- 
land. 

Yet, My Dear Sir, I can never consent to see you seriously 
compromitted or embarrassed. — I shall cheerfully place 
myself in your disposal, and facilitate any arrangement you 
may think for the general good — It does not however seem 
necessary to precipitate anything — It may be well to see first 
what part General Pinckney will act when he arrives. — 

The Secretary at War has sent me a copy of General 
Knox's letter to him on the subject of his appointment. — It 
does not absolutely decline, but implies the intention to do it, 
unless a Rule of the late Army giving in cases of promotions 
on the same day privately according to former relative rank 
is understood to govern. I have advised a reply, of which a 
copy is inclosed. — 

The Commissions have issued so that no alteration can be 
now made as between Generals Knox and Pinckney — if there 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 323 

were not the serious difficulties in the way which you seem 
to have anticipated. — 

The Secretary at War has proposed to the President a 
change of the plan announced in the first instance — which 
may bring into immediate activity the Inspector General and 
General Knox. — In this case you may depend upon the best 
efforts in my power with a peculiar attention to the objects you 
mention and you shall be carefully and fully advised of what- 
ever it interests you to know. 

Col. Walker resides at present in the Western parts of this 
place. He is occupied in some important agencies for per- 
sons abroad which render it doubtful whether he would now 
accept Military employment. He has been written to and 
will be proposed for the command of a Regiment — is in 
many respects very desirable in the capacity you mention. 
But you are I presume aware of the impracticability of his 
temper. — With the most respectful and affectionate attach- 
ment I have the honor to remain — 

My dear General your very 
obedt. servt. 

Alexander Hamilton. 
The papers sent by you are now returned. 

Timothy Pickering, then a member of Adams's Cabinet, 
later wrote to James A. Hamilton, a letter which has not, 
until now, been published. It refers to a conversation held 
with Adams in July, 1798. 

Timothy Pickering to James A. Hamilton 

Salem, June 14, 1821. 

Dear Sir: I forgot whether I did or did not mention to you 
and your mother, at my house, what passed between Presi- 
dent Adams and me, in July, 1798, in relation to the com- 
mand of the little army which Congress were then about 
authorizing to be raised. 

A. "Whom shall we appoint Commander-in-Chief.?" 

P. "Colonel Hamilton." 



324 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

On a subsequent day: 

A. "Whom shall we appoint Commander-in-Chief?" 
P. "Colonel Hamilton." 

On a third day: 

A. "Whom shall we appoint Commander-in-Chief?'* 

P. "Colonel Hamilton." 

A. "O no! It is not his turn by a great deal. I would 
sooner appoint Gates, or Lincoln, or Morgan." 

P. "General Morgan is now here in Congress, a very 
sick man, with one foot in the grave. He distinguished 
himself as a brave and good officer in the Revolutionary 
War; and his present informities may be owing, in part, to 
the hardships then endured: but his talents would never en- 
title him to rise beyond the command of a brigade" — "as fof 
Gates, he is now an old woman — and Lincoln is always 
asleep. 

To my answers, in these short dialogues, Mr. Adams 
made no reply, except once, as just recited. My answers 
marked with double commas, are verbatim as I uttered them. 
My observations on Morgan, as above stated, exhibit pre- 
cisely the ideas I expressed; but I cannot undertake to give 
the very words; tho' I am sure they were substantially as 
above written. 

It was from these occurrences that I first learned Mr. 
Adams's extreme aversion to or hatred of your father. 

General Washington was appointed to the chief command, 

I wrote him a letter to apprise him of the necessity of his 

interposition to secure to your father that place in the army 

to which he was entitled — the second when he was present, 

and the first in his absence. This first letter on the subject 

was followed by others of considerable length; when Mr. 

Adams attempted to derange the order in which Washington 

had designated the three major Generals — Hamilton — Pinck- 

ney — Knox; and to make it Knox — Pinckney — Hamilton. 

And because this inversion was not effected, Knox refused 

to serve. -, o- u jt c t 

1 am, bir, your obed^ berv"^ 

Timothy Pickering. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 325 

General Schuyler, on July 16, 1798, wrote to his daughter: 

Many have been the conjectures as to my dear Hamil- 
ton's visit to Philadelphia. Some believed it was to assist 
in preventing a bill for the punishment of seditious persons 
others that he wished to converse with the president previous 
to accepting a military appointment. Time will develop 
the cause of his journey. General Washington's acceptance 
of the command of the army affords great satisfaction to the 
friends of order, and is doubtless chagrining to those of a 
contrary complexion. The former wishes Col° Hamilton 
second in command as that would place them perfectly at 
ease as to our military operations. 

Hamilton now started in upon his work of reorganizing 
an army. Fifteen years had elapsed since the war of the 
Revolution, and it was a difficult matter to gather together 
a serviceable body of men in an emergency. However, he 
applied himself to his difficult task. 

He was favored almost immediately by offers of service 
from many of his old comrades in arms. 

Major Tousard, to whom reference has already been 
made, applied at once, in the following letter, for a position 
next to his old chief. 

Lewis Tousard to Alexander Hamilton 

Philadelphia, August 7th, 1798. 

Dear Sir: I was extremely sorry that my being on a public 
mission at Baltimore prevented my waiting on you when you 
were lately in Philadelphia, and presenting you, or rather 
to the whole Army, my most sincere congratulations on the 
choice the President has made of you for an Inspector 
general. 

Entirely devoted to the carreer which I have followed 
from my youth, which your kind interest procured me to 
enter in this country again; I would feel highly gratified to 



326 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

be more intimately attached to you and receive your im- 
mediate orders. I have often mentioned it to my friend 
Gen' McPherson* and even w^rote to him upon the subject. 
The last Law of the United States presents a favourable 
opportunity for it by the creation of an Inspector ©f Artillery 
which is to be taken from amongst the corps of Artillerists 
and Engineers. The relations of that office must be entirely 
dependent on the Inspector General and consequently ought 
to be the man of your choice. 

I will only mention my long services in that branch of the 
military duty which is contemplated by the Law, to deter- 
mine your choice and claim your friendship but in case of 
indecision between myself and another officer. It was a 
natural consequence of my ambition and application to my 
duty, that all the principles of Artillery which I have been 
taught since the year 1765, all the instructions of our schools, 
all the Duty I have seen in that part should recurr to my 
mind, more especially since I am diverted of any other kind 
of business. The several memoirs and observations which 
I wrote upon the subject, and presented to the Secretary of 
War to be laid before the Committee of defence; the works 
I am compleating at Fort Mifflin; the plans I have presented 
to be executed at Baltimore; those I am ordered to fix at 
Tammany hill at Rhode Island are the proofs that I have 
not been thought unworthy the confidence of the Secr^ of 
War. He has before him all my commissions without inter- 
ruption from the year 1765 that I was admitted at the school 
of Artillery at Strasburgh ; Eleve of Artillery in 63 ; i st Lieut, 
of Art^ canonneers in 69; ist L* of Bombardiers in 72; 
Capt° of Arty in 76; Major of Art^ in 80; L* Col. in 1784. 
I leave aside all the other commissions of commandant in the 
several parts of St. Domingo, of General in chief of three dif- 
ferent armies marching against the Rebels; My intention only 
is to show that I have been regularly brought up an officer of 
Artillery and taught all the details of their instruction. How 

'William McPherson, in 1799, appointed brigadier-general in the Provincial 
Army. In the Revolution he commanded a company known as "McPherson's 
Blues." He put down Frie's Rebellion. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 327 

far I have profited by, is what I wish you would try, in at- 
taching me intimately to you and presenting me to the office 
of Inspector of Artillery. My zeal will redouble by serving 
under your command and the desire of justifying the in- 
terest of an officer whose appointment excited so deserved 
transports in the whole Army. 

I hope you will excuse my troubling you with so long a 
letter, and attribute it to my desire of being placed in a situa- 
tion to claim your esteem and glory myself in it as I do in the 
friendship you constantly honoured me with. 
With great respect 

I have the honor to be 
Dear Sir 

Your most humble and very 
obed* Serv* 

Lewis Tousard. 

General North, the intimate friend of Steuben and a brave 
and experienced officer, wrote later: 

William North to Alexander Hamilton 

DUANESBURGH, NoV. 12, 1 799- 

You were right, my dear General, in saying that a soldier 
should have no other wife than the service; and I will add, 
that he should have neither children nor landed property 
nor be a guardian, nor a director of a turnpike road, nor 
plaintiff, nor defendant against a rascal who every day brings 
fresh actions, for seven years together. Either of these things 
forms an impediment sufficient to make one lose sight of the 
point of view, but when they are combined, they so twist and 
turn a man head and heels, that it is almost impossible for 
him to get forward in any line whatever; to suppose that he 
can in the new French method, look straight forward and 
keep his alignment, is nonsense. In truth, was it not for the 
point of honor, which like a will o' the wisp intices him to 
the front, and the prick of ambition which goads him in his 
rear, he never would advance at all. Fortunately, I have 



328 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



cleared my way of everything but my wife and children, with 
whom, as it would be unsoldierly to abandon them, I hope 
to be in New York by the 25th of this month, and when there 
I shall do whatever Heaven, and your Honour may think 
best for the service of our dear Country, without further let, 
or hindrance. 

Please to offer my respects to Mrs. Hamilton and believe me 
to be 

Dr. General 

Your obd* H^'^ Serv* 

W. North. 

As soon as the prospect of war became generally appreci- 
ated other applicants for office from New York State pre- 
sented themselves. Their names were submitted to Ham- 
ilton, who went carefully over them considering the fitness of 
the candidate and making such comments as he saw fit. 
This is the list: ^ 



10. 
II. 

12. 

13- 
14. 



APPLICANTS 

Nathaniel Paulding, 
John Treat Irving, 

Timothy ^ 

William 

Cornelius C. Van Allen, X, 



G- 



I. S- 
H.- 



Michael G. Howdin, 

Kirkland, 

Gerret Hellenback, 
Nicholas Hilton 



W- 



R- 



Prosper Brown, \ 

John Cuyler (Surgeon) / 



REMARKS 

Probably a good Lieutenant, 

Unknown 

Unworthy, 

Drunkard, 

Democratic, but upon the whole 
eligible as Second Lieutenant, 

Unworthy, 

Drunkard, 

A deserving man, but superannu- 
ated, 

Unknown, probably bad. 

Sons of Mechanics little known 

but it is believed would make 

tolerable Ensigns. 

Unworthy, 

Unknown, 



* This was asked for by James McHenry, who was Secretary of War. 
^ The full names are omitted by the writer for obvious reasons. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 



329 



APPLICANTS 

15. Dowe J. Fonda, 



16. Volkart Dow, 

17. Samuel B. Berry, 

18. E. H. ' 

19. Christopher Backuet X 



20. B.- 



29. 
30- 
31- 
32- 
33- 
34- 

35- 
36. 

37- 
38. 

39- 
40. 



H. 



21. WilHam Elsworth, \ 

22. James Washbos, / 

23. John M. Lawrence, 

24. Robert Heaton Junior, 

25. George W. Kirkland, 

26. J. K. 

27. Francis Drake, X, 

28. WilHam Scudder, 



W.- 



B. V. 



Thomas W. Williams "1 
Benjamin C. Curtis J 
William Cocks, 

A. R. 

Harmanus P, Schuyler, 

J.; S. 

Richard Baldwin, X 
Richard L. Walker, 
Fitch Hale, 
John H. Carr, 
Samuel Hoffman, 



REMARKS 

A good Ensign in the late War is 
worthy of a Captaincy but a 
majority would be too much 
now. 

A good Second Lieutenant, 

The same. 

Drunkard 

Brother in law of Governor Trum- 
bull probably a good first Lieu- 
tenant 

Drunkard (not certain) but prob- 
ably of slender qualifications — • 
expects a Majority. 

Unknown, 

(Son of the Senator) Clever young 
man good first Lieutenant, 

Clever fellow probably a good 
Captain 

Probably a good Captain, 

Worthless, 

Probably a good second lieutenant, 

Served last War, pretty negative 
character perhaps a first lieu- 
tenancy. 

Worthless. 

Unknown, 

Pretty good Lieutenant, 

Gambler, 

A clever fellow — probably a good 
captain. 

Drunkard, 

Good ensign 

Very violent Jacobin, 

probably a respectable Captain, 

pretty good second Lieutenant, 

probably a good Second Lieuten- 
ant, 



* E. H. seems to have been passed upon twice. 



330 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



APPLICANTS 

41. Adrian KifFan, 

42. Joseph C. Cooper, X 

43. Andrew Van Wort, X 

44. Alexander Macomb Junior 

45. John Starns (surgeon' 

46. John White, 

47. William B. Peters 

48. Rowland Colton, 

Additional 

49. Philip Church, 

50. William Maurice Thomp- 

son X 

51. William Neilson, 



52. John W. Patterson, 



53. Frederick N. Hudson, 

54. Robert LeRoy Livingston, 

55. Jacob Manlius \ 

56. Jacob C. Ten Eyck / 

57. Jeremiah Landon, 

58. William W. Wand, 

59. Garret De Bow, 



60. John Duer, 

61. Joseph Kellogg X 

62. David Leavenworth (Ju- 

nior) 

63. J. H.— 

64. Philip Cortlandt 

65. Frederick A. DeZeng, 



66. Warren Delancy, X 

67. Jacob C. Ten Eyck 



REMARKS 

of good connection and character 

— probably a good Captain, 
good Ensign, 
good Ensign, 
the same. 

Unknown 



A good Captain of Infantry, 

A good Cornet or Second Lieu- 
tenant, 

A young gentleman of Education 
and sense probably a very good 
first Lieutenant, 

A young gentleman of family 
worth and spirit — seems not 
willing to accept less than a com- 
pany — probably a good Captain, 

probably a good Lieutenant, 

Good Second Lieutenant, 

Good Ensigns, 

probably a good Captain, 

good Lieutenant, 

Young man tolerably recommend- 
ed without much education, 
may make a good Ensign, 

probably a very good Ensign, 

good Lieutenant, 



cannot be recommended. 

well recommended, 

formerly in German service — a 
good Captain of Horse now a 
citizen and married among us, 

formerly British Lieutenant would 
make a good Captain 

good Ensign, 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 



331 



APPLICANTS 

68. John Bleeker, 

69. Stephen Haynes, 

70. John Terrill X 



71. Nicholas R. Kirby X 

72. William A. Giles, X 

73. John McKinney, 

74. David Jones, 

75. Thomas Tresdale, 



76. Philip S. Schuyler, 

77. William Gilliland, X 

78. Andrew White, 

79. Samuel Young, 
Thomas Asbeck, 
Henry W. Ludlow, 



REMARKS 

pretty well recommended as Cap- 
tain, 

The same, 

desirous of a Lieutenancy of Artil- 
lery in preference well recom- 
mended and probably a good 
Lieutenant, 

good second Lieutenant, 

a good ensign 

good Surgeons Mate Piatt 

a good first Lieutenant, Talbot, 

recommended as a Capt. by Gen- 
eral H. Livingston but other- 
wise unknown 

Nephew of General Schuyler a 
promising young man worthy 
of a Lieutenancy 

very respectfully recommended for 
a Lieutenancy 

a good Captain high up in senior- 
ity, 

probably a good first Lieutenant 



General Schuyler shared Hamilton's dislike of Adams, v^ho 
was undoubtedly regarded by both as a fussy, interfering, 
and incompetent executive who was likely to meddle with 
the organization of the Army. The views of the former are 
embodied in the following letter. The McHenry alluded 
to was then Secretary of War, and Hamilton's friend. 
Although Schuyler's criticism is rather severe, it cannot be 
denied that at times McHenry showed very little push and 
executive ability. 



332 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton 

Albany, August 6th, 1798. 

I am not surprized My Dear Sir that you found much 
had not been done in the execution of the important objects, 
for I have some time since perceived that Mr. McHenry 
had not a mind sufficiently extensive & energetic to embrace 
and execute all the objects incident to the war department and 
I foresee that you will be under the necessity to direct the prin- 
ciple operations of that department, to avoid those embar- 
ressments which must otherwise inevitably result from in- 
competency in the officers, indeed I see no alternative, for I 
doubt much if a man of adequate abilities can be found prop- 
erly to discharge the duties of an office, on which so much de- 
pends, even should the present incumbent resign. 

Who is to be quarter master General .f* and who commis- 
sary General .? If these are not men of business. If they 
cannot form a system by which to conduct their departments, 
we shall experience all that confusion and waste which dis- 
tressed and disgraced us in the revolutionary wars — the 
President's ideas of the importance of these offices, is probably 
inadequate, and with the best intentions he may be led to 
improper appointments, unless advice is interposed by those 
who are capable of offering it, and to whose recommenda- 
tions he ought to yield. 

The principles and spirit from which have emanated the 
address to the president, and that attention which has been 
paid him could not fail of affording him solid satisfaction 
and yet not without some alloy, persuaded as I was that 
every disaster which might befall the first executive would be 
deeply Injurious to my country in the present critical junc- 
ture. I dreaded lest the injected Gas should become so 
highly inflammable as to injure the upper works of the ma- 
chine, but It is not surprizing that the old Cock should be 
elated and crow audibly for 

The young oak which must prevail at length 

has grown with his growth, strengthened with his strength. 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 333 

A report via Boston prevails, which advises that Guille- 
man is dismissed, and that we shall have no war — I hope the 
latter is unfounded for I feel that war with all Its calamities, 
would be less Injurious to my country, than a peace which 
might be followed, and probably would be with the rein- 
troduction of the pernicious and destructive principles which 
prevail in France. 

Harmanus P. Schuyler, a distant relative of mine, believes 
he could raise a company of foot If he was honored with a 
commission. He has been long and is now a captain of 
Militia in the Albany regiments, — is about thirty five years 
old, discreet and sober, he has been a protege and a pupil of 
mine in [illegible]. If a commission can be obtained for him 
It would be pleasing to me, his politician. 

God Bless you My Dear Sir, take care of your health, for 
without It you cannot sustain the labors your devotion en- 
tails. Let my Children share with you in that tender affec- 
tion which I feel with so much force. 

Ever Your Serv, -n c 

Ph. Schuyler. 

Hon. Genl. Hamilton, 

The danger of war was finally averted and the excitement 
of the moment was superseded by that of the political agita- 
tion of 1800 and the practical overthrow of the Federal party. 
Hamilton, during the short time he was virtually at the 
head of the army, had perfected the military system and es- 
tablished certain means of national defence, which are in 
existence to-day. He even suggested, and prepared plans 
for the Military Academy at West Point. 

Although all thought of war with France was ended, 
he recognized and deplored the mischief that had been 
wrought in the last decade of the eighteenth century, and 
mourned over what he regarded as a form of early degenera- 
tion in the young republic when Jefferson and his party came 
into power. He was sincere and expressed his fears and des- 
peration in a letter to Gouverneur Morris, which has else- 



334 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

where been printed. He believed in the moral decay of the 
United States — the loss of religious principle in consequence 
of the teachings of Paine, and those of irresponsible fanatics 
who had done so much to unsettle the simple faith of the 
early patriots. The future to him was threatening, and he 
sought for a means of regeneration. 

A great deal of canting speculation has been indulged in by 
various persons as to Hamilton's religious faith, for it was al- 
leged that he died without belief. Bishop Moore's account 
of his death, on the contrary, shows that he was a man of 
earnest, simple faith, quite unemotional in this respect, so far 
as display was concerned, but his belief was very strong. 

He who had all his life made his way by more or less mili- 
tant methods, or by appeals to reason, by careful and subtle 
argument, and diplomatic manoeuvres, conceived, in his fear 
for the future welfare of his country, the establishment of a 
vast religious body to be called "The Christian Constitu- 
tional Society." With his keen insight he knew that even 
the mob could be swayed by such an organization, and that 
the mental epidemic that was caused by "the poisonous 
French Doctrines" might be replaced, perhaps, by a move- 
ment of a healthy and upHfting kind. 

To Bayard he wrote: "Unluckily for us in the competi- 
tion for the passions of the people, our opponents have great 
advantages over us; for the plain reason that the vicious 
are far more active than the good passions; and that, to 
win the former to our side, we must renounce our principles 
and our objects, and unite in corrupting public opinion till it 
becomes fit for nothing but mischief. Yet, unless we can 
contrive to take hold of, and carry along with us some 
strong feelings of the mind, we shall in vain calculate upon 
any substantial or durable results. Whatever plan we may 
adopt, to be successful, must be founded on the truth of this 



THE YEARS FROM 1790 TO 1800 335 

proposition, and perhaps it is not very easy for us to give it 
full effect; especially not without some deviations from what, 
on other occasions, we have maintained to be right. But, in 
determining upon the propriety of the deviations, we must 
consider whether it be possible for us to succeed, without, in 
some degree employing the weapons which have been em- 
ployed against us, and whether the actual state and future 
prospects of things be not such as to justify the reciprocal 
use of them. I need not tell you that I do not mean to coun- 
tenance, the imitation of things intrinsically unworthy, but 
only of such as may be denominated irregular; such as, in a 
sound and stable order of things ought not to exist. Neither 
are you to infer that any revolutionary result is contemplated. 
In my opinion, the present constitution is the standard to 
which we are to cling. Under its banners bona -fide must we 
combat our political foes, rejecting all changes but through 
the channel itself provided for amendments. By these 
general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. 
I now offer you the outline of the plan they have suggested. 
Let an association be formed to be denominated 'The 
Christian Constitutional Society,' its object to be ist: The 
support of the Christian religion. 2d : The support of the 
United States." He then unfolded a scheme which advo- 
cated the diffusion of information. "The use of all lawful 
means in concert to promote the election of fit men," and 
various means for the education of public opinion. 

To him the growing influence of the "Jacobins" and their 
party meant only ruin and disaster, and though he, perhaps, 
did not fully share Horace Binney's later expressed sentiment 
that he "believed Jefferson was the full incarnation of 
Satan," he had good reason to dread the influence of a man 
and his supporters who had done so much to weaken the 
respect for the Constitution of the United States. 



CHAPTER XI 
BUILDING A HOME 

The same yearning for rest In the country which seems to 
have been felt by so many men at the termination of a busy 
public career, came to Hamilton as well, and a few years 
before his death he wrote: "To men who have been so much 
harassed in the base world as myself, it is natural to look for- 
ward to complete retirement, in the circle of life as a perfect 
desideratum. This desire I have felt in the strongest man- 
ner, and to prepare for it has latterly been a favorite object. 
I thought I might not only expect to accomphsh the object, 
but might reasonably aim at it and pursue the preparatory 
measures." 

It is true that these sentiments were directly provoked by 
his political disappointments, as well as a realization that 
he must make provision for his old age, but it may be as- 
sumed that the time had come for the enjoyment of the com- 
forts of a house of his own in the quiet country. Possibly his 
familiarity with Virgil's bucolics, and especially the Eirst Ec- 
logue, had filled his mind with sylvan longings; or, again, there 
may have been the influence of his early life, spent in a clime 
full of beauty and restfulness, that prompted him to look 
about for a retreat which was far enough removed from 
the bustle and affairs of men to enable him to find relaxa- 
tion in the happiness of seclusion. It is somewhat difficult 
to-day to realize that the isolated place he then selected, 
which was eight miles from the Bowling Green, is now a 
somewhat crowded part of a great city which extends several 

33^ 



BUILDING A HOME 337 

miles further north. At that time stage-coaches ran but 
three days in the week to a point which now corresponds 
with 42d Street and Broadway, and is a congested thor- 
oughfare, although through service to Albany then enabled 
one to descend at Hamilton's gate. He had, during the 
summer and fall of 1798, leased and occupied, in company 
with his brother-in-law, John B. Church, a country house in 
the neighborhood of what was afterward his own estate. 

Although his professional income at that period was 
comparatively large, his earnings being twelve thousand 
dollars annually, he was obliged, before he got through 
building, to make financial arrangements which would 
enable him to meet the demands of masons and builders, 
and early in 1804 his warm friend and client, Louis Le Guen, 
loaned him five thousand dollars on bond and mortgage. 
After some search he found a tract of land to his liking 
which, to-day, is that roughly bounded by St. Nicholas 
and Tenth Avenues, and which extends from 141st to 145th 
Streets, but formerly was much larger in extent, the western 
limit being the Hudson River. The Albany or Blooming- 
dale Road which passed diagonally through it has, of course, 
now entirely disappeared, but undoubtedly divided the part 
upon which the house stood from the farm on the easterly 
side. General Ebenezer Stevens, who was then a prosper- 
ous merchant, had, at the time, a country place in the vicinity, 
and to him Hamilton wrote, making inquiry as to available 
property: 

Alexander Hamilton to Ebenezer Stevens 

2^th of October, 1799. 

If the owner of the ground adjoining you will take Eight 
Hundred pounds (;^8oo) for sixteen acres including a parcel 
of the woodland, and lying on the water the whole breadth, 



338 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

you will oblige me by concluding the bargain with him, and 
I will pay the money as soon as a good title shall appear. If 
he will not sell a part at this rate, I request you to ascertain 
whether he will take Thirty pounds an acre for the whole 
tract and let me know. 

If I like it, after another view of the premises, I shall prob- 
ably take the whole at this price. But I can only pay one 
half down, a quarter in six months and the remaining quar- 
ter in a twelve month. He shall be satisfied on the score of 
security if he desires. 

Yrs with regard, 

A, Hamilton. 



The building itself which is now in existence, although 
moved from its original position, stood for a long time at 
the corner of 1^26. Street and Tenth Avenue, but within 
recent years has been moved so that it adjoins St. Luke's 
Episcopal Church, and is used as a school. It is little the 
worse for age, despite all it has gone through, and was never 
an architectural triumph, although it is a type of the com- 
fortable country house of the period. It is a square struc- 
ture two stories high, and had verandas on both the north 
and south sides as it originally stood. The main entrance 
was on the west. Near the southwest corner was a group 
of thirteen gum trees, planted in a circle by Hamilton, one 
for each of the original States, but they were so closely set 
that they never attained a great size, and all eventually 
languished and died, their destruction being hastened by 
the depredations of the relic hunters. 

The house was designed by John McComb, one of the 
leading architects and builders of the time, and was con- 
structed by Ezra Weeks, ^ who superseded a builder named 
Putnam. McComb's excellent work which remains to-day 

' See p. 185. 



BUILDING A HOME 339 

is the old City Hall, which shows the artistic influence of 
Sir Christopher Wren, and, in some ways, is one of the 
most charming old buildings in the country.^ It is quite 
probable that Hamilton himself worked at the plans, and 
was frequently in consultation with General Schuyler, who 
manifested his interest by furnishing timber from his own 
estate at Saratoga. In this connection he writes to his son- 
in-law: 

Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton 

Albany, Monday, August 25th, 1800. 

My dear Sir: Your favor of the 13th instant with the plan 
of your intended house was delivered me on Thursday last, 
that of the i8th by the mail I received yesterday. I have 
delivered Mr. Putnam the builder, the plan, and a paper of 
which you have a copy on the other side, and expect his 
answer tomorrow. If the house is boarded on the out- 
side, and then clap boards put on, and filled in the inside 
with brick, I am persuaded no water will pass to the brick. 
If the clapboards are well painted, and filling in with brick 
will be little if any more expensive than lath and plaister, 
the former will prevent the nuisance occasioned by rats and 
mice, to which you will be eternally exposed if lath and 
plaister is made use of instead of brick. 

The partitions between the apartments in the interior of 
the house, if made of joice and then lathed and plaistered 
also have vacancies as receptacles for rats and mice. It is a 
little but not much more expensive to have the partitions 
of plank of 2 or 2 >^ inches thick set vertically from floor to 
ceiling and joined together, but not planed, on these planks 
the lathes and plaister are to be put, and thus a solid par- 
tition is formed. In the bill of scantling which you have 
sent me I do not find any timbers for the gutters, perhaps 
this has been ommitted. 

Should Mr. Putnam refuse to contract unless for the whole 

* The design was that of Major L' Enfant. 



340 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

house in all its parts, except the masonry, I will receive his 
proposals on a statement which I shall make and transmit 
it to you without delay, or should he be extravagant in his 
demand, I shall as soon as Cornelia is brought to bed, go up 
and contract for the timber and purchase the boards and 
planks, and if possible I will cause the boards and planks 
to be put into water for two months and then piled up with 
decks between them that they may be seasoned before they 
are worked up. 

It will save very considerable expense if the clap boards and 
boards for the floors were sawed to the proper breadth and 
thickness at the sawmills, I therefore wish you to send me 

how many of each Mr. thinks will be wanted, their 

breadth and thickness. I rejoice, my dear Son, that my 
Philip^ has acquitted himself so well, and hope that his 
future progress may correspond with your and my wishes. 

All here unite in love to you, my Eliza and the children. 
I am my dear Sir 

Ever most afi'ectionately yours, 

Ph. Schuyler. 

Honble M. Gen. Hamilton. 

On August 22d, 1802, he wrote to Mrs. Hamilton: 

I am anxious to visit you and to participate in the pleasure 
of your country retreat which I am informed is fast reaching 
perfection. Embrace my dear Hamilton and the children. 
He and they participate with you in your mother's and my 
warmest afi'ections. May health and happiness be the por- 
tion of all. God bless you my dearly beloved child. 

I am ever, most tenderly and affectionately, yours. 

Ph. Schuyler. 

From Albany he again wrote to her on April 23, 1803 : 

Dear Child: This morning Genr. Ten Broeck informed 
me that your horses which went from hence were drowned, 

* Alexander Hamilton's eldest son, who was then at Columbia College. 




h 
o 

< 

w 

O 
< 

o 
w 
h 



BUILDING A HOME 341 

and that you had lost paint, oil, &c to a considerable amount, 
— Supposing this account to have been truly stated to the 
General, I send you by Toney my waggon horses of which I 
make you present. 

I intended to have your house painted If you cannot re- 
cover the paint, purchase no more as I will have the house 
painted. 

When an opportunity offers send my saddle and bridle 
which Toney will leave. — 

Your Sister unites with me in love to you and Eliza. 
I am Dr child 

Your affectionate parent 

Ph. Schuyler. 



As an illustration of how dwelling-houses were built in New 
York at the time, the mason's specifications may be produced. 

Proposal for finishing General Hamilton's Country House Fiz. 

To build two Stacks of Chimneys to contain eight fire-places, ex- 
clusive of those in Cellar Story. 

To fill in with brick all the outside walls of the ist and 2nd stories, 
also all the interior walls that Separate the two Octagon Rooms — 
and the two rooms over them — from the Hall and other Rooms in 
both Stories. 

To lath and plaster the side walls of ist and 2nd stories with two 
coats & set in white. 

To plaster the interior walls which separate the Octagon Rooms 
in both Stories, to be finished white, or as General Hamilton may 
chose. 

To lath and plaster all the other partitions in both Stories. 

To lath and plaster the Ceiling of the Cellar Story throughout. 

To plaster the Side walls of Kitchen, Drawing Room, Hall & 
passage, & to point & whitewash the Stone & brick walls of the 
other part of Cellar Story. To Point the outside walls of Cellar 
Story and to fill in under the Sills. 

To lay both Kitchen hearths with brick placed edge ways. 

To put a Strong Iron back in the Kitchen fire-place five feet long 
by 21^ 9" high. 

To put another Iron back in the Drawing Room 3'-6" by z'-g". 



342 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

To place two Iron Cranes in the Kitchen fire Place — & an Iron 
door for the oven mouth. 

The Rooms, Hall, and Passage of the first Story to have neat 
Stocco Cornices — Those of Octagon Rooms of Best Kind (but not 
inriched). 

To put up the tvi^o setts of Italian Marble in the Octagon Rooms, 
such as General Hamilton may chose — and Six setts of Stone Chim- 
ney pieces for the other Rooms. 

The Four fireplaces in the tvv^o Octagon rooms & the two rooms 
over them, to have Iron Backs and jambs, and four fire places to 
have backs only. 

To lay the foundations for eight piers for the Piazza. 

Mr. McComb to find at his own expense all the Material requisite 
for the afore described work and execute it in a good & workmenlike 
manner for one thousand Eight Hundred & Seventy five Dollars. 

General Hamilton to have all the Materials carted and to have all 
the Carpenters' work done at his expense — • 

General Hamilton is to find the workmen their board or to allow 
• — • shillings per day for each days work in lieu thereof. 

New York 22nd June 1801. 

John McComb Jun 

To build the Stew holes and a wall for the sink. 

The whole to be completed by ? 

The chimneys, which were very large, were a source of 
much anxiety to Hamilton and his advisers. At that time 
Count Rumford ^ was an authority on everything scientific in 
this country, and his experiments on the domestic applica- 
tion of artificial light and heat attracted almost as much at- 
tention as did the inventions of Benjamin Franklin, whose 
stoves were coming into general use. Finally the matter 

' Benjamin Thompson was born in Woburn, Mass., and was really a patriot. 
He was not regarded with favor, however, by his townsmen, who did not approve 
of his conservatism, which they mistook for disloyalty, and he was obliged to flee, 
and later actually entered the British service. He afterward went to Bavaria, 
and after very distinguished public service was given the title of the Count 
Rumford. He always devoted himself to science, and rendered great service to 
mankind by his discoveries, and their application to everyday life. He ultimately 
returned to America, and when he died, left bequests both to Harvard University and 
the Royal Society of England. 



BUILDING A HOME 



343 



was settled, and the comfort of the inmates of the house as- 
sured by the adoption of a proper chimney. 

Plan of a Chimney on Rum ford's principles. 

The whole width in opening in front of the fire place 39 inches of 
which thirteen to from back side at an Angle of about 135 Degrees 
and thirteen the back. 

From these dimensions the depth results — • 

The height from the floor to the throat about three feet and the 
throat about four inches wide — and central to the base or perpendicu- 
lar over the fire. 

Thus 




Width 39" 

In this connection it is interesting to read of Burr's later 
opinion of Rumford's invention, and his own attempts to 
keep warm in a foreign city. Aaron Burr in his diary,^ in 
describing his room in Paris which he occupied in 1810, 
said: 

"The fireplace (more like an oven) is three feet deep, and 
five feet wide, and of course smokes perpetually. Having 
endured this now more than two months, and finding my 
eyes worse for it, sent today for one of those scientific men 

' "The Private Journal of Aaron Burr" (Bixby Publication). Vol. II, p. 77. 



344 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

called /wm/j-^fj-. Showed him the evil and proposed a remedy. 
'Mais sur quelles principes mons. sont fondes vos idees.' In 
vain did I take on myself the hazard of the result. 'Non 
c'est decarter de tous les principes,' * and so we parted. Nine- 
teen out of twenty of the chimnies of Paris (of France I 
might say) smoke always, and the other twentieth occasion- 
ally. In vain have FrankHn and Rumford shown by fact 
and experiment how chimnies should be built. Their ob- 
stinacy and stupidity passes belief. And so I sit envellopped 
in smoke, or as you have it, sit like the gods in the 
clouds." 

Hamilton kept minute accounts of the cost of labor and 
material, and it is curious to note the rate of wages paid one 
hundred years ago, long before the days of labor unions. 
We find that one Thomas Costigan, who had, apparently, 
been engaged in building the house, and afterward became 
a man-of-all-work, received, for services rendered for three 
and one-half years, the sum of four hundred and twenty-four 
dollars and fifty cents. Thomas Dunnevan was another 
workman upon the place, and in an entry in the expense- 
book it is stated that he was paid one hundred and fifty-two 
dollars and eighteen cents by wages, from the 8th of March, 
1802, to the 4th of August, 1803, "when the poor worthy 
fellow was drowned. Sixteen months and twenty-seven days 
at 9d." This bill was receipted by Edward Kerhal, who 
was next of kin. 

The entire cost of building the house was ^^1,550, and this 
sum was paid to Ezra Weeks. 

Hamilton always had a taste for gardening and farming, 
and one of his friends who did much to encourage him was 

* Throughout the diary Burr indulges in abbreviations, and takes extraordinary 
liberties with the various languages he quotes. It was his evident aim to be 
mysterious. 



BUILDING A HOME 345 

Dr. David Hosack, a distinguished and fashionable physi- 
cian of the time. In 1796 Dr. Hosack became a partner 
of Dr. Samuel Bard, and these two were Hamilton's phy- 
sicians and friends. Later, upon the death of his son 
PhiHp, Bard wrote a most tender letter of sympathy to his 
dear friend Hamilton from his country house in Hyde Park, 
where he passed the remainder of his days. Dr. Hosack, 
whose education had been undertaken in part in Europe, 
had become deeply interested in botany. This led, on his 
return, to his appointment as professor of botany and after- 
ward materia medica in Columbia College. For a time he 
became connected with the Rutgers Medical College, having 
associated himself with Dr. Valentine Mott and Dr. Francis, 
but later returned to the old college. In 1798 he formed 
the idea of providing a large botanical garden which could 
be used in connection with his teaching, and applied to Co- 
lumbia College for funds,* but without success. He then 
bought four plots of the so-called "common land" on the 
middle road (now Fifth Avenue), between 47th and 51st 
Streets, extending to a point a hundred feet west of Sixth 
Avenue. This was in 1801, and in 1804 he paid for the 
property. 

Upon this space he laid out a diversified garden, after- 
ward erecting glass-houses and raising a great variety of 
tropical and sub-tropical plants. It was his idea as well to 
raise vegetables for the supply of his fellow townsmen. 
Hamilton, who was fond of horticulture, shared Hosack's 
enthusiasm, and as he daily drove from his own place sev- 
eral miles north, was in the habit of stopping to compare 
notes with his enthusiastic family doctor, who donated 
cuttings and bulbs. 

* See an article by Adriqji Brown in the "Bulletin" of the New York Botanical 
Society, vol. V, No. i8, February 8, 1909. 



346 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Available correspondence conveys an idea of the great 
pleasure the cultivation of his place gave him. 

He wrote to his old comrade-in-arms, General Pinckney 
of South Carolina, from the Grange: * 

Alexander Hamilton to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 

December 20, 1802. 

"My dear Sir: A garden, you know, is a very usual 
refuge of a disappointed politician. Accordingly I have 
purchased a few acres about nine miles from town, have 
built a house, and am cultivating a garden. The melons in 
your country are very fine. Will you have the goodness to 
send me some seed, both of the water and musk melons .? 
My daughter^ adds another request, which is for three or 
four of your paroquets. She is very fond of birds. If there 
be anything in this quarter, the sending of which can give you 
pleasure, you have only to name them. As farmers, a new 
source of sympathy has arisen between us, and I am pleased 
with everything in which our likings and tastes can be ap- 
proximated. Amidst the triumphant reign of democracy, 
do you retain sufficient interest in public afi^airs to feel any 
curiosity about what is going on .? In my opinion, the follies 
and vices of the administration have as yet made no material 
impression as to their disadvantages. . . . 
Adieu, my dear Sir 

Ever Yours, 

Alexander Hamilton 

A few months later Pinckney repHed : ^ 

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to Alexander Hamilton 

Charleston, March 6th, 1803. 

My dear Sir: I wrote you a few lines yesterday and sent 
you some watermelon seeds and musk-melon seeds by the 
brig Charleston Packet which sails this morning. I for- 

1 "Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 551. ^ Angelica. 

3 " Hamilton's Works" (J. C. H.), vol. VI, p. 554. 



BUILDING A HOME 347 

merly sent some to Mrs. Washington, at Mount Vernon, but 
she told me they did not answer so well as some she got in 
the neighborhood; perhaps had she planted the seeds from the 
melons which were produced from the Carolina seed the 
subsequent year, they would have adapted themselves to 
the climate and produced good fruit. It was by this means we 
obtained our fine cotton, which has been of such advantage 
to our State. The first year it produced but three or four 
pods; by planting the seed of these pods the second year, 
they produced thirty; and by following the same method, 
the third year they were thoroughly naturalized, and bore 
from one hundred and fifty to two hundred pods. 

I will also send you by the Industry a few seeds of the salvia 
cocinea, or scarlet sage, which I believe you have not with 
you, and of the erytherina herbacea, or coral shrub; also a 
few seeds of the Indian creeper, and some of a beautiful 
purple convolvulus. 

I will endeavor to obtain some paroquets for Miss Hamil- 
ton. I have not seen any for some years; ours are the large 
kind, by no means equal in beauty to the small African 
species. . . . 

Hamilton left, after his death, certain memoranda regard- 
ing the arrangement of his garden, which show that he was 
more than an amateur. Whether he had availed himself of 
Batty Langley's "New Principles of Gardening,"^ which 
was Washington's horticulture guide and a well-known au- 
thority in those days, is not known; yet he seems to have had 
a practical knowledge of what was needed, and a few of the 
notes left by him may be appended to show what is meant. 

1. Transplant fruit trees from the other side of the stable. 

2. Fences repaired. (Worn away) repaired behind stable. 
The cross fence at the foot of the hill .? Potatoes Bradhursts ? 

* "New Principles of Gardening, or the Layout and Planting of Pastures, 
Groves, Wildernesses, Labyrinths, Avenues, Parks, etc., after a More Grand 
and Rural Manner than has Been Done Before. Illuminated with a Variety 
of Grand Designs," by Batty Langley. London, 1728. 



348 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Ground may be removed and used for this purpose. Cows no 
longer to be permitted to range. 

3. The sod and earth which were removed in making the walks 
where it is good may be thrown upon the grounds in front of the House, 
and a few waggon loads of the compost. 

4. A Ditch to be dug along the fruit garden and grove about four 
feet wide, and the earth taken and thrown upon the sand hill in the 
rear. 

After referring to the arrangement of flower beds and the 
laying out of a vegetable garden he proceeded : 

2. The Gardener, after marking these out and making a begin- 
ning by way of example, will apply himself to the planting of Rasp- 
berries in the orchard. He will go to Mr. Delafield for a supply of 
the English sort and if not sufficient will add from our own and 
some to be got from our neighbors. 

3. If it can be done in time I should be glad if space could be pre- 
pared in the center of the flower garden for planting a few tulips, 
lilies, hyacinths, and [missing]. The space should be a circle of 
which the diameter is Eighteen feet: and there should be nine of 
each sort of flowers; but the gardener will do well to consult as to the 
season. 

They may be arranged thus: Wild roses around the outside of the 
flower garden with laurel at foot. 

If practicable in time I should be glad some laurel should be 
planted along the edge of the shrubbery and round the clump of 
trees near the house; also sweet briars and [illegible] 

A few dogwood trees not large, scattered along the margin of the 
grove would be very pleasant, but the fruit trees there must be first 
removed and advanced in front. 

These labours, however, must not interfere with the hot bed. 

Life at the Grange was undoubtedly a merry one, for 
within its hospitable walls were gathered many of those 
clever people with whom Hamilton had so much to do dur- 
ing his many years of busy, official life. Gouverneur IMorris 
often came from IMorrisania, while Rufus King drove over 
from Jamaica in Long Island to discuss politics or gossip 



r ' / 



• Jj^2i^' 



-CJ&''^ 



/^-^ 



/ 









,-a.» 



r' ' 







REPRODUCTION OF GARDExN PLAN 



BUILDING A HOME 349 

with the former Secretary. The Schuylers, too, came fre- 
quently, and sent good things from the Albany homestead, 
and in many of the General's letters are references to pro- 
digious gifts of vegetables and fruit, which were consigned 
to his daughter by way of the river sloops, while in the winter 
it was rare for a beef to be slaughtered without a quarter 
finding its way to the Grange. 

The Hamilton family was often invited to Albany, and 
alluring accounts of what awaited them were drawn by the 
devoted father-in-law. General Schuyler wrote from Wood 
Creek, where he was journeying July 15, 1802: "We have 
excellent mutton here, and as fine and fat salmon as ever 
were dished and I believe as cheap as Cod at the New York 
market. I gave half a dollar for a very fine one weighing a 
little more than nineteen pounds. They are taken four 
miles from here." 

In Hamilton's periods of relaxation he was to be seen wan- 
dering through the woods of Harlem with a single-barrelled 
fowling-piece, on the lookout for woodcock or other game, or 
he found his way to the wooded shores of his estate in search 
of an occasional striped bass in the clear water of the North 
River. Before his death he gave this gun to Trumbull, the 
artist, and it ultimately came into the writer's possession. 
On the stock are roughly carved the letters "A. Hamilton, 
N. Y./' and this was evidently his own work. When occasions 
were favorable, the worries of professional work, and pos- 
sibly the importunities of builders, were escaped by a visit 
to the theatre, Hamilton and his wife going to the city, where 
they were the guests of many of their old friends, and they 
still kept a house in Partition Street. About this time the 
New or Park Theatre was under the management of Hallam, 
or Hodgkinson, or Cooper. According to the contemporary 
press it appeared that the most generous and varied kinds of 



350 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

entertainment were there offered. Among the plays pro- 
duced we find the "Tragedy of Alexander the Great with a 
Grand Heroic Spectacle of the Siege of Oxydrace," "The 
Positive Man," the "Duenna," "The Lyar," "The Man- 
ager in Distress," "Count Benyowski, or the Conspiracy of 
Kamskatka," and upon one occasion, "Paul & Virginia, the 
Plot from M. de St. Pierre's very popular novel of the same 
with new scenery and machinery never before exhibited, — 
Dance by the Negroes, the Whole to Conclude with the 
representation of a Tornado in which Virginia is shipwrecked, 
who is seen struggling in the Water while the Ship is Burnt 
by Lightning," 

In the New York Evening Post of March 8, 1802, there 
is an advertisement headed "The Theatrical Curiosity." 
"The Two Samuels which arrived a few days since from 
Senegal we understand will be introduced into the Triumphal 
Procession on Monday Evening at Mr. Cooper s Benefit^ 
being it is presumed their first appearance on any stage." 

Hamilton also attended the meetings of the Philharmonic 
Society, which were held at Snow's Hotel at 69 Broad- 
way. 

General Schuyler's visits to the Grange, during the latter 
part of his life, became less and less frequent because of his 
ill health. Referring to the illness of his little grandson, 
one of Hamilton's boys, he wrote from Albany, December 
20, 1802: "I hope he is now perfectly recovered, and that 
I shall embrace him here, as Mr. Rensselaer says you intend 
to accompany the General in the next month when he must 
be here. This will afford us additional pleasure, and the 
journey be of service to you, and if the wound in my thigh 
and the Gout which has seized on one of my feet will permit, 
we will accompany you to the Grange, of whose beauties the 
Patroon speaks with rapture." 



BUILDING A HOME 351 

In this letter he refers to his grandson, PhiHp, his name- 
sake, and writes: "It affords me great pleasure to be advised 
that he is attentive to his studies. I hope that he may make 
eligible Progress and become a man of Virtue." In April, 
1804, a few months before Hamilton's death, he received a 
visit from Chancellor Kent who, in a letter to his wife, de- 
scribed his stay at the Grange: 

*'I went out with General Hamilton on Saturday, the 21st, 
and stayed till Sunday evening. There was a furious and 
dreadful storm on Saturday night. It blew almost a hurri- 
cane. His house stands high, and was much exposed, and I 
am certain that in the second story, where I slept, it rocked 
like a cradle. He never appeared before so friendly and ami- 
able. I was alone, and he treated me with a minute attention 
that I did not suppose he knew how to bestow. His man- 
ners were also very delicate and chaste. His daughter,* who 
is nineteen years old, has a very uncommon simplicity and 
modesty of deportment, and he appeared in his domestic 
state the plain, modest, and affectionate father and husband." ^ 

Hamilton's professional engagements about this time took 
him often to Albany, and he either went by sloop or mail 
stage, the latter leaving New York every morning at six and 
reaching Albany the third day after. The passengers, mean- 
while, during the intervening nights lodged at Peekskill or 
Rhinebeck. This line was managed by William Vander- 
voort, and the stages departed from the corner of Cortlandt 
and Greenwich Streets. The proprietors of the stage line 
were Potter, Hyatt & Company. The fare charged was 
eight dollars for the entire journey, or six-pence a mile for 
way passengers. On these journeys Hamilton wrote fre- 
quently to his wife, and he was undoubtedly kept informed 

* Angelica. 

» Op. cit., p. 143. 



352 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 




., ^^'*'*^(//^ir}J^"^' 

NEW-YORK AND ALBANY 
MAIL STAGE, 

LEAVES New- York every morning, at 6 
o'clock, lodgesai Peekskili and Rhinebeck, 
and arrives "in Albany on the third day. Fare of 
each passenger through eight dollars, and 6d per 
Tnile for way passengers. For Seats apply to William 
VandtTvoort, No.48, corner of Court land and Greert- 
wich streets. New- York, and of T. Wttmore, Aibany. 
February 13 if POTTER, HYATT & Co. 



of all that went on during his absence. He certainly found 
time to direct those in charge of the improvements at home. 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton 



Claverack, Oct. 14, 1803. 

My dear Eliza: I arrived here this day, in about as good 
health as I left home though somew^hat fatigued — 

There are some things necessary to be done which I omitted 
mentioning to you. I wish the Carpenter to make and insert 
two Chimnies for ventilating the Ice-House, each about two 
feet square & four feet long half above and half below the 
ground to have a cap on the top sloping downwards so that 
the rain may not easily enter — The aperture for letting in 
and out the air to be about a foot and a half square in the 
side immediately below the cap (see figure on the other side.^) 

Let a separate compost bed be formed near the present one, 
to consist of 3 barrels full of the clay which I bought, 6 
barrels of black moulds 2 waggon loads of the best clay on the 
Hill opposite the Quakers plain this side of M'". Verplanks 

* It is regretted that in the original letter, which is in the Ford Collection in the 
New York Public Library (Lenox), the plan has been cut out at some time and 
therefore cannot be produced. 



BUILDING A HOME 353 

(the Gardener must go for it himself) and one waggon load 
of pure cowdung — Let these be well and repeatedly mixed and 
pounded together to be made up of hereafter for the Vines. 

I hope the apple trees will have been planted so as to profit 
by this moderate and wet weather. If not done, let Tough 
be reminded that a temporary fence is to be put up along the 
declivity of the Hill from the King's bridge road to the op- 
posite wood so as to prevent the cattle injuring the young 
trees — the fence near the entrance to the Helicon Spring 
ought for the same reason to be attended to — The materials 
of the fence taken down in making the Kitchen Garden & 
some rubbish, which may be picked up will answer — 

Remember that the piazzas are also to be caulked & that 
additional accommodations for the pidgeons are to be made — 

You see I do not forget the Grange — No that I do not; nor 
any one that inhabits it. Accept yourself my tenderest af- 
fection — Give my love to your Children & remember me to 
Cornelia. 

Adieu my darling a tt 

Mrs. H. 



To Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton, 

No. 58 

Partition Street. 

Peekskill, October i6. 

Saturday. 

I have just arrived here and shall stay till tomorrow. 

It has always appeared to me that the ground on which 
our orchard stands is much too moist. To cure this, a ditch 
round it would be useful, perhaps with a sunken fence as a 
guard. But this last may be considered at a future time. 

If you can obtain one or two more laborers, it may be ad- 
visable to cut a ditch round the orchard — three feet deep 
by three feet wide at the bottom. The clay that comes out 
of the ditch will be useful to give firmness to our roads and 
may be used for this purpose. 

Yet you will consider this merely as a suggestion and do 
as you think best after you shall have ascertained whether 



354 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

you can procure any better materials for the purpose. But 
remember that mere sand and stones will not answer. 
Very affectionately my beloved, 

Yrs, A. H. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton 
at Haerlem, 

New York. 

I was extremely disappointed, my dear EHza, that the 
Monday's post did not bring me a letter from you. You 
used to keep your promises better. And you know that I 
should be anxious of your health. If the succeeding post 
does not rectify the omission of the former, I shall be dis- 
satisfied and pained. 

Adieu my beloved, and be assured that I shall not lose a 
moment to return to you. 



Saturday 2nd of October. 



Yours tenderly, 

A. H. 



Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton 
at Haerlem 

New York. 

Sunday Morning. 

I was much relieved, my dear Eliza, by the receipt yester- 
day morning of your letter of Monday last. How it came to 
be so long delayed I am unable to conjecture. But the delay 
gave much uneasiness in consequence of the imperfect state 
of health in which I had left you. I thank God you were 
better — for indeed, my Eliza, you are very essential to me. 
Your virtues more and more endear you to me and experi- 
ence more and more convinces me that true happiness is only 
to be found in the bosom of ones own family. 

I am in hopes, that I may be able to leave this place sooner 
than I had counted upon, say on Friday or Saturday. But I 
may be disappointed and may be detained till Sunday morn- 
ing. This at all events I trust will bring me home on Tuesday 
following. The stage is three days in performing the journey. 



BUILDING A HOME 355 

I am anxious to hear from Philip. Naughty young man! 
But you must permit nothing to trouble you and regain your 
precious health. 

Adieu my beloved. . tt 



The returns from his farm seem to have been trivial; a 
few baskets of strawberries, cabbages, and asparagus were 
sold in 1802, the returns from the same being £j.io.2. And 
the experience of the amateur farmer then seems to have 
differed but little from that of most of us to-day. 

After the sad turn of events which followed the duel, we 
find the widow loath to leave the happy home, but struggling 
on to keep her little family together and clinging as long as 
possible, to the place so sanctified by tender memories. 
Brave to a degree and unusually masterful, she managed the 
estate and directed the workmen. Although the elder boys, 
Alexander, James, and John, were, respectively, eighteen, 
sixteen, and twelve years, they could be of little help to her, 
while all the others, except Angelica, were of tender age. 
Her devoted sister, Angehca Church, did her utmost to per- 
suade her to give up the country place and come to New 
York, which she eventually did, but meanwhile she made a 
brave fight. In a letter written to her daughter in the early 
years of her bereavement, she said: "I rode up in the car- 
riage that was formerly mine, and you know how very easy 
it was. The boat did not arrive until late in the evening. 
I am now in the full tide of occupation, four men to attend 
to, fine morning with the place looking lovely. A carriage 
dearest and yourself, with the house in order, would be de- 
lightful to have.'* 

When staying later in Warren Street she received a letter 
from her sister, who wrote: "Your brother deems it the 
most prudent that you remain where you are, as it is utterly 



356 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

impossible for you to be at the Grange without horses, and 
their expense will pay your house rent. He thinks the 
Grange might be let. If you please early on Saturday 
morning — say at seven o'clock — I will be ready to attend 
you to the Grange." 

It was soon after this that her necessities forced her to 
dispose of the home she and Hamilton had planned and 
built together, which was to be to their children what the 
Schuyler home had been to them. 

Despite the generous efforts of Hamilton's friends, and 
even of General Schuyler himself, who died a few months after 
his son-in-law, no such comparative luxury was possible as 
that which had hitherto been enjoyed. When not visiting 
the Albany relations, Mrs. Hamilton made New York her 
home, where she brought up her children as best she could — 
the two elder boys receiving help from friends and acquiring 
the father's profession. 



CHAPTER XII 

HAMILTON AND BURR 

Hamilton's prejudice against duelling was sincere, and 
the result of his growing conviction, which he reluctantly 
disregarded under the pressure of the exigencies of the time 
and the feeling that his prestige, as the head of a great though 
demoralized party, would suffer by his refusal to meet his 
adversary. Nearly two years before he had told his son 
Philip to fire his first shot in the air when he was called upon 
to meet Eacker at Paulus Hook, and his several communica- 
tions leave no doubt as to his extreme reluctance to run the 
risk of taking the life of another. In fact, during the years 
1798 and 1799 he had, among other reforms, advocated anti- 
dueUing laws. In earlier years the duel was so much a 
matter of course, and so necessary an institution of social 
life, that we find he not only appeared as a second, but gave 
advice to others who contemplated this method of vindicat- 
ing their honor. As is known, he was the second of the 
younger Laurens, when he met General Charles Lee on June 
28, 1778, after the battle of Monmouth, when the latter had 
spoken disrespectfully of Washington. Hamilton's attitude 
upon this occasion was extremely fair and sensible, and he 
did his best to adjust matters without a resort to extreme 
consequences. Major Edwards attended Lee. When six 
paces apart the principals fired simultaneously, and Lee re- 
ceived a slight wound. When he proposed a second exchange 

357 



358 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

of shots, and Laurens agreed, Hamilton said that, "unless the 
General was influenced by motives of personal enmity, he 
did not think the affair ought to be pursued any further; 
but as General Lee seemed to persist in desiring it, he was 
too tender of his friend's honor to persist in opposing it. It 
was then that Major Edwards interfered, and explanations 
were made that were satisfactory." A minute narrative of 
the entire proceedings, concluding with the statement that, 
"upon the whole, we think it a piece of justice to the two 
gentlemen to declare that after they met their conduct was 
strongly marked with all the politeness, generosity, coolness 
and firmness, that ought to characterize a transaction of this 
nature," was drawn up by Hamilton and agreed to by 
Edwards.^ 

In 1779 Hamilton, when a lieutenant-colonel, was slan- 
dered by a Reverend Doctor William Gordon,^ of Jamaica 
Plain, Massachusetts, who spread a story to the effect that 
Hamilton, at a "public coffee house," had abused Congress. 
This was at a time when the latter was withholding the pay 
of the army, and when there was much discontent among 
the troops, although there was more trouble in 1781. Ham- 
ilton was reported to have said, in the presence of other offi- 
cers, "that the army would, by-and-by, turn their arms 
upon the country and do themselves justice," and again, "that 
it was high time for the people to rise, join General Wash- 
ington and turn Congress out of Doors." Hamilton was 
apprised of this alleged seditious language imputed to him by 
a Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, and he quickly traced the 

* See "Notes on Duelling," by Lorenzo Sabine, p. 228. London, Sampson Low, 
Son & Co., 1855. 

^ William Gordon (i 730-1807) was the chaplain of the Provincial Congress in 
Massachusetts. He was dismissed from this position, "as the Legislature regarded 
his prayers as intended rather to dictate their measures than to implore the divine 
direction to them." Applcton's "Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. II, 
p. 687. 



HAMILTON AND BURR 359 

libel to Francis Dana/ who, however, denied the respon- 
sibility for the accusation, and gave the name of Gordon as 
that of the culprit. When cornered, the latter admitted the 
existence of a mysterious witness and informant, and his 
letters to Hamilton were notably evasive and exasperating. 
Two are presented, one of which embodied the clergyman's 
determination that Hamilton should not be permitted to 
challenge his traducer, and another from Hamilton which 
shows, even at this early date, that he did not look upon a 
duel as an adequate cure for wounded honor. 

It appeared that nothing came of all this correspondence, 
and that Gordon was a fussy mischief-maker. Colonel 
David Henly,^ who was Hamilton's representative, had a 
poor opinion of the clergyman, for in a letter of September 
I, 1779, he said: "I do think Col. Hamilton you will find 
Doctr. Gordon the cause of this mischievous and false 
Report — the other Day he was prov'd a Lyar in the publick 
Street, and had it not have been for his Cloth, I am sure 
would have been more severely dealt with — he more than 
once has occasioned Quarrels by his Conduct." And again, 
"Yesterday I delivered your Letter to Doctr. Gordon and 
hope you will receive such satisfaction, as is due you either 
in wounding him in his honor, or by treating the man with 
contempt that has endeavored to injure your Reputation." 

' Francis Dana (1743-1811) played an important part in early American affairs. 
In 1780 he went to Great Britain as the secretary of John Adams, to negotiate the 
Treaty, and remained for some years abroad engaged in diplomatic work. In 1785 
he was appointed Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and in 1786 was a delegate to 
the Annapolis Convention. 

^ A colonel in a Massachusetts regiment in 1776. In 1777 commander of troops 
at Cambridge. 



36o ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Reverend William Gordon to Alexander Hamilton 

Jamaica Plains, 

August 25, 1779. 

Sir: Upon my return home from a visit on the Monday 
evening I received yours without a date. However common 
the principle may be, on which you urge me, to an immedi- 
ate direct and explicit answer as tho' the least hesitation or 
reserve might give room for conjectures^ which it can be 
neither your wish nor mine to excite — it is certainly a false 
one. 

In many cases a gentleman may receive information from 
persons of indisputable character which it may be highly 
proper for him to communicate, without discovering the in- 
former; and I am convinced you will think with me, when 
you have been more conversant with the world and read 
mankind more. Neither will such gentleman, when con- 
scious of his own integrity and of established character re- 
gard the conjectures of those who are almost or altogether 
strangers to him. 

I do not mean by advancing those sentiments to refuse 
you aid in detecting the inventor of a calumny. Mr. Dana 
mentions his having the declaration, alluded to in his letter 
from me. He communicated to me Col. Brook's letter to you, 
and yours to himself and the substance of what he intended 
to write. I objected to nothing regarding myself, except- 
ing its being said public coffee house in which I supposed him 
mistaken. I understood it was a public house^ but rather 
thought it was not the coffee house. That excepted the 
sentiment was as he had represented, whether the words 
were identically the same or not. I am glad to find by what 
you have wrote, that you have lost all remembrance of it; as 
it serves to shew that it was the effort of a sudden transport, 
and not of a depraved judgment. You will infer from 
hence, that I supposed the sentiment to have been spoken. 
I do: upon the belief, that my informer was a person of 
veracity, and could not be mistaken. The reasons are 
these, his general character, and his declaring that it was 



HAMILTON AND BURR 361 

uttered in his hearing. I saw him on his way from Phila- 
delphia. He left the City sometime after the inhabitants 
had been undivided by Mr. Dean's^ imprudent address, in 
which he promised us great discoveries, tho' he had made 
none; and by which he raised a jealousy of Congress, and 
put many upon clamouring against them. In this crisis, and 
I conjecture thro' conversation leading to it, you was betrayed 
into a speech tantamount to the representation made me. 
You was not the only one that spoke unguardedly all this 
season. Persons of equal or with superior talk are known 
to have done it, and many in the military department having 
been soured by the hardships they had undergone and an 
apprehended neglect of their grievance and on the part of 
Congress backwardness, to redress them, seemingly took a 
part with Mr. Dean; and the unguarded expressions that 
fell from them, then and afterwards, proved alarming to 
weak but good minds. I was much hurt in my own feelings 
because of the wrong, I am convinced, it led some to do his 
Excellency, in fearing that such sentiment were dropt in his 
presence, without meeting with a further check. My in- 
former told me, that he took notice to you of the unsuitable- 
ness of such like expressions, with which you was rather dis- 
pleased, but that he insisted further upon it, and that then 
it ended. I should infer from its representation given me 
that, there were others in Company. I have not mentioned 
his name; but if you cannot possibly recollect having said 
anything like what he reported; continue to view it as a 
calumny; and insist upon knowing him, I do not imagine 
he would object to it, but, whether he do or not, shall men- 
tion him, upon your assuring me upon your honour, that you 
will neither give nor accept, cause to be given nor accepted, 
a challenge upon the occasion, nor engage in any recounter 

' Silas Dean. After his return from France, where he had made contracts with sev- 
eral French officers who subsequently fought in the American Revolution, he re- 
turned to Philadelphia. Congress immediately found fault with him for his alleged 
financial irregularities and extravagance, and he returned to France to obtain 
documents to prove his case. Meanwhile his written criticisms of the French were 
such as to make him a persona non grata, and he fled to Holland, and afterward went 
to England, where he died. 



362 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

that may produce a duel — for tho' do not in general produce 
more than the honorable settlement of a dispute, yet they 
may be the unhappy cause of the publick's losing good and 
useful members; and upon the principles of religion I am 
totally averse to them. You must further assure me, that 
you will admit of the matter's being thoroughly examined 
into by Congress, or individuals of the first character. The 
oversight of individuals too often raise prejudices against a 
whole body. It is common, and yet commonly condemned. 
I am convinced that notwithstanding the natural tendency 
of martial manners, there are as good citizens in the military 
line, as out of it; and I hope that the event will ever shew 
that by far the majority of our officers love the liberties of 
citizens more than any earthly command whatsoever. I as 
earnestly wish, that the citizens of the United States may do 
justice to the army, and their own engagements by keeping 
it up to the spirit of them wherein it is possible, that so our 
brave brothers may not have any just cause of complaint 
when affairs are brought to a settlement. 
Sir 

Your most obedient humble servant 

William Gordon 



Alexander Hamilton to the Rev. William Gordon 

Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 25th of 
August which you will probably not be surprised to hear is 
by no means satisfactory. Instead of giving up the author 
of the accusation, you charitably suppose me guilty, and 
amuse yourself in a stream of conjecture (which whatever 
ingenuity it may have was certainly unnecessary)^ — about 
the manner in which the affair happened and the motives 
that produced it. Your entering a volunteer to apologize 
for me is no doubt a mark of your condescension and of your 
benevolence, and would make it ungrateful as well as in- 
decent to suspect, that the conditions with which you fetter a 
compliance with my request, proceed from any other cause 
than a laudable, though perhaps in this instance, an officious 



HAMILTON AND BURR 363 

zeal, for the interests of religion and for the good of society. 
It shall never be said, that you had recourse to a pitiful 
evasion, and attempted to cover the dishonor of a refusal 
under a precious pretence of terms, v^hich you know as a 
gentleman, I should be obliged to regret — I venture however 
with every allowance for the sanctity of your intention and 
with all possible deference for your judgment to express my 
doubts of the propriety of the concessions you require on my 
part, as preliminaries to a discovery, which I still think you 
are bound to make as an act of justice. This is a principle 
from which I can never depart; and I am convinced I shall 
have the common sense and feelings of mankind on my side. 
An opinion of my inexperience seems to have betrayed you 
into mistakes — Whatever you may imagine Sir, I have read 
the world sufficiently to know that though it may often be 
convenient to the propagator of a calumny to conceal the in- 
ventor, he will stand in need of no small address to escape the 
suspicions and even the indignation of the honest and of the 
disinterested. Nor can I but persist in believing that, not- 
withstanding the confidence which from a very natural par- 
tiality you place in your own character, the delicacy of your 
sentiment will be alarmed at the possibility of incurring this 
danger and will prevent your exposing yourself to it, by re- 
fusing, or delaying any longer to comply with so reasonable a 
demand. 

It often happens that our zeal is at variance with our un- 
derstanding. Had it not been for this, you might have rec- 
ollected, that we do not now live in the days of chivalry, 
and you would, have then judged your precautions on the 
subject of duelling, at least useless — The good sense of the 
present times has happily found out, that to prove your own 
innocence, or the malice of an accuser, the worst method you 
can take is to run him through the body or shoot him through 
the head. And permit me to add, that while you felt an 
aversion to duelling on the principles of religion, you ought 
in charity to have supposed others possessed of the same 
scruples — of whose impiety you had had no proofs. But 
whatever may be my final determination on this point, 



364 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ought to be a matter of indifference. Tis a good old maxim, 
to which we may safely adhere in most cases, that we ought 
to do our duty and leave the rest to the care of heaven. The 
crime alleged to me is of such enormity, that if I am guilty it 
ought not to go unpunished, and, if 1 am innocent, I should 
have an opportunity of vindicating my innocence. The 
truth in either case should appear, and it is incumbent upon 
you. Sir, to afford the means, either by accusing me to my 
civil or military superiors, or by disclosing the author of the 
information. 

Your anxiety to engage me "to admit of the matter's 
being thoroughly examined into by Congress or individuals 
of the first character" was equally superfluous. I am at all 
times amenable to the authority of the state and of the laws; 
and whenever it should be the pleasure of Congress, the 
means of bringing me to justice for any crime I may have 
committed are obvious and easy, without the assistance of a 
formal stipulation on my side. I shall not expose myself 
to the ridicule of self-importance by applying to Congress 
for an inquiry, nor shall I invite the charge of impertinence, 
by promising to do what I have no power to refuse. I shall 
only declare for my own satisfaction, that so far as concerns 
myself, nothing would give me greater pleasure than to un- 
dergo the strictest scrutiny in any legal mode in the rectitude 
of my conduct, on this and on every other occasion as a sol- 
dier or as a citizen. With respect to an examination b}' in- 
dividuals of character, whenever I have it in my power to 
confront my accuser, I shall take care to do it in presence of 
witnesses of the first respectability, who will be able from 
what they see and hear, to tell the world that I am innocent 
and injured and that he is a contemptible defamer. 

It is, no doubt, unfortunate for me that you have pre- 
judged the case and are of a different opinion. You pro- 
fess to give credit to the story, because, you say, your in- 
former "is a man of veracity and could not he mistaken.^' 
From this description he is probably not a soldier, or you 
would have been more inclined to suppose him fallible. 
But whoever he may be you have certainly shown a facility 



HAMILTON AND BURR 365 

in believing that does honor to your creduHty at the expense 
of your candour. I protest, Sir, this is the first time I have 
heard my own veracity called in question. Had you not 
given a sanction to the contrary by your example, I should 
have indulgently flattered myself, that I had as much right 
to be believed as another, and that my denial was a counter- 
ballance to the assertion of your informant, and left the 
aff'air in suspense to be decided by the future circumstances. 
You persue a different line, and in the overflowing of your 
pious hatred to political heresy, have determined, that I must 
be guilty at all events. You ascribe the denial to a deficit of 
memory, and pretend to think it more likely that I should 
have lost all recollection of the fact, than that you should 
have been misinformed. Far from accepting, I absolutely 
reject the apology you make for me, and continue to believe it 
imposstbley I could have made a declaration similar to the 
one reported; for I abhor the sentiment, it contains, and am 
confident it never could have had a momentary place in my 
mind, consequently never could have dishonored my lips. 
The supposition is absurd, that I could have used the ex- 
pressions when I cannot recognize the remotest trace of 
an idea, at any period, that could possibly have led to 
them. 

In this consciousness, I again appeal to you, and de- 
mand by all the ties of truth, justice, and honour, that you 
immediately give up your author. I stake my life and repu- 
tation upon the issue, and defy all the craft of malevolence, 
or of cabal, to support the charge. If you decline a dis- 
covery, I shall then not have it in my choice to make any 
other than one conclusion. 

You have blended several matters foreign to the purpose, 
which might as well have been omitted. I shall only answer 
in general, that I religiously believe the officers of the army 
are among the best citizens in America, and inviolably at- 
tached to the liberties of the community; infinitely more so, 
than any of those splenetic patriots out of it, who endeavour 
for sinister purposes, to instil jealousies and alarms, which 
they themselves know to be as groundless as they are impol- 



366 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

itic and ridiculous. But if any individuals have been im- 
prudent, or unprincipled, let them answer for themselves. I 
am responsible only for my own conduct. Your fears for 
the injury which the indiscretion of such persons might do to 
the general, were kind, but 1 hope unnecessary. The decided 
confidence of Congress, and the hearts of the people of 
America, are the witnesses to his integrity. The blame of 
the unmeaning petulance of a few impatient spirits, will 
never rest upon him; for whoever knows his character, will be 
satisfied, that an officer would be ashamed to utter, in his 
hearing, any sentiments, that would disgrace a Citizen. 

West Point, Sep. 5, 1779. 
The Rev. Dr. Gordon, Esq. 

Hamilton, when practising law in New York, was ap- 
pealed to for advice by Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Roche- 
fontaine while the latter was in command at West Point. 
Rochefontaine had been a brilliant engineer officer, and had 
distinguished himself at Yorktown, but seems to have been 
unpopular with his comrades and, at times, hyper-sensitive. 
General Joseph Gardner Swift, the first graduate of the 
United States Military Academy, ambiguously said of him : 

"It is to be admitted that whatever may have been the 
talents of Colonel Rochefontaine, he had occupied many 
good positions with his narrow redoubts, and also that such 
works were more commensurate with the views of Congress 
at the time, than in accordance with those of the Colonel." ^ 
Quarrels at West Point seem to have been frequent, and as a 
rule were settled by a passage at arms. There probably 
was some friction between the French and American officers, 
and the fighting proclivities of one of the latter were notorious. 
This was Lieutenant William Wilson, then at West Point, 



» "The Memoirs of Genl. Joseph Gardner Swift, LL.D., etc., 1S00-1865," 
p. 75, by H. Ellery. Privately printed, 1890. 



HAMILTON AND BURR 367 

who seems to have been a very disagreeable person. In 1795 
he was tried by court-martial, ordered by Major Lewis 
Tousard, but escaped punishment.* 

A year later Rochefontaine had a quarrel with him grow- 
ing out of the court-martial, and wrote two letters to Ham- 
ilton, but it is to be regretted that the responses of the latter 
are not available. 



Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Rochefontaine to Alexander 
Hamilton 

West Point, April 28th, 1796. 

Dear Sir: Give me leave to apply to you for advice in a 
very disagreeable case which happened to me here a few 
days ago, it perhaps has been misrepresented to you by 
those who form a party against me in the corps, but you 
may rest assured that my honor has not been stained in the 
least; and I hope that if you find me guilty, it will only be of 
imprudence, and of no dishonourable act. 

The cause of dislike of the officers to me may be ascribed 
to their being collected at West Point, while I was absent, 
and altho' unknown to most of them, they took such a wrong 
turn against me, that I hardly did receive marks of common 

* Proceedings of a general Court Martial of the Corps of Artillerists and Engi- 
neers commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Rochefontaine held at West Point this 
15th day of June 1795, by order of Major Lewis Tousard at West Point. 

Lieut. John McClallin, Pres't. 
Members: Lieut. J. P. Hale, Lieut. N. Freeman, 
Lieut. Geddes, Lieut. Muhlenburgh 
The Court having met agreeably to the order of Major Tousard, having been 
duly sworn and having appointed Lieut. J. P. Hale recorder, are of opinion that 
they cannot proceed to the trial of Lieut. Wm. Wilson as there has not been pro- 
duced an arrest before them, and as he has been at this Garrison for more than 
the space of eight days, they do in consideration of the i6th Article of the ad- 
ministration of Justice, recommend to the Commanding ofhcer, that the Sword of 
Lieut. Wilson be returned to him. 

Jno. McClallin, Lieut, 

President. 
(Copies from Orderly Book No. i. Corps of Artillerists and Engineers, com- 
menced at West Point, May 7, 1795.) 



368 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

politeness when I first came to join them here last January; 
add to that the general antipathy of most of the individuals 
of this country for any sort of subordination, and you will 
know pretty near the principle of that great and most general 
dissatisfaction of the officers towards me. A Mr. Wilson, 
Lieut, in the Corps, as contemptible a character as can be 
found anywhere, was particularly charged with the honour- 
able trust of provoking me. (Mr. Wilson has killed a 
Brother officer in a Duel about a 12 months ago.) 

On the 2 1 St of this month, two officers only were at Pa- 
rade and 2 were absent without cause; instead of acting 
with the Rigidity of the Law, I sent from Parade a message 
to the absents, one only came, and the others refused to ac- 
cede to the request. 

After the Evening Roll Call, as I was returning home 
passing before Mr. Wilson's quarters, I saw him out of his 
window calling very loud to the Major who was also in sight, 
by the name of John, his christening name, adding some 
injurious expressions to it. At last my own name was pro- 
nounced with the epithet of Damned Rascal, and other ex- 
pressions intended to be very provoking. I thought Mr. 
Wilson intoxicated, or at least out of his senses, two officers 
within the Room were exciting Mr. Wilson by loud fits of 
Laughing. I felt very much discontented, and for an hour 
I did remain uncertain about the part I should take; — a 
court martial composed of officers contrary to me, would not 
find any proofs of my accusation against Wilson, and it 
would only be giving publicity to gross Insults, which an 
officer dared to offer without any punishment. I thought the 
mode of punishing him by a private Interview, which would 
deter other officers from further insults of that kind was 
preferable. As I was going to impart my resolution on that 
head to Major Rivardi, I met Mr. Wilson taking a Walk by 
himself — he stopped at a little distance from me, expecting 
as I suppose, that he would be spoken to by me. I called on 
him and I Inquired of him if he was the man who an hour 
before that, had so loudly and so shamfully expressed him- 
self in pronouncing my name; his answer was that he did not. 



HAMILTON AND BURR 369 

I told him that I was very glad that he did deny it, or else it 
would have been pronouncing himself a vilain and a scoun- 
drell, — that if had something against me he might call on me 
at any time, and may be assured that I would grant him any 
redress that a gentleman might wish from another gentle- 
man & a brave man. Mr. Wilson had a Small Cane in his 
hands, and at the expression of Scoundrell, which I suppose 
he did think himself very deserving of, he lifted it up as to 
strike at me. I had a Sword Sheathed in the Scabbard, and 
raped over with a Large belt, provoked by the former Insult, 
by the shameful denial of Expressions intended to be very 
publick outrages, for I heard them 300 yards off, — and they 
were issued out in presence of a Dozen of Servants or Wait- 
ers playing in front of the house, and Enraged at the Idea 
that he was going to strike me, I discharged once on his 
shoulder a Blow with the hilt of my Sword. I felt instantly 
that I had been imprudent, and to repair it as well as it 
lay'd in my power, I did offer him on the Spot the satisfaction 
that he might wish for, the moon shone very bright, and I 
observed that if he had had his Sword on as a Man who has 
Insulted another ought always be ready to give satisfaction, I 
would fight him. He called to his servant to bring him his 
Sword, but he did observe that he did not know how to make 
use of it. I proposed him then to fight him with any weap- 
ons he wished to propose, and pistols were agreed upon, 
and 15 minutes were required before we met with a Second 
on each side; the agreement after we met was, that in order 
to avoid the formality of a Duel, we should settle the dispute 
by a Rencounter with two loaded pistols each and a Sword. 
The fires were to be given at pleasure and the distance be 
such as it suited the two adversaries; the first fire went off 
almost at the same time on both sides. My second Pistol 
went off unaware and I remained against my antagonist who 
had yet a Loaded pistol against me. He came up to me 
within three steps and missed fire, it is a general rule in such 
occasions to lose the chance when the pistol has not gone off, 
yet my adversary cocked up and missed his fire a second 
time, in order to prevent his firing a third time, I fell on him 



370 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

to try to prevent him from cocking his piece, but he did it 
notwithstanding, and his pistol missed fire again, tlie muzzle 
touching my breast. The two wittnesses came up then and 
separated us, my noble adversary enraged at not assassinat- 
ing me on the spot, was furiously asking powder of his second, 
to kill said he that S of a B , this was his noble ex- 
pression on that occasion. 

It is to be remarked that that affair which among men of 
honour is generally kept a Secret, was known thro'out the 
garrison, and we were immediately surrounded by people 
whom Mr. Wilson had informed of it, the reason why would 
be impossible for me to guess at. 

We all retired to our quarters, my second and myself 
persuaded that the Rencounter having taken place, it put a 
stop to all further proceedings, and had made up all diffi- 
culties agreeably to stipulation. Two days afterwards I re- 
ceived a written challenge from Mr. Wilson thro' his former 
second. I answered him that according to our agreement, 
we had made up for the Insults and that I requested he would 
not mention that matter any more. 

Here begins the perfidious agency of the officers who form 
a Party against me. Mr. Wilson, tho' a man of a very con- 
temptible character, has been pushed forward and prom- 
ised the support of all the officers if he would prosecute that 
affair against me. They assembled together upon my an- 
swer, and then Informed me that on hearing of my refusing 
satisfaction to Mr. Wilson, my Brother officer, for a gross 
Insult offered to him, they were going to publish my in- 
famous conduct to the world. I refused that paper because 
it was not signed, and it did not bear any mark of authen- 
ticity about it. They did not return it. Sunday last was 
the day it was brought to me. Mr. Lovel one of the Ring 
Leaders, went on that day to New York — perhaps to have it 
published; on Monday — a Mr. Elmer another Ring Leader, 
went up to Goshen to begin against me, as I understand, a 
civil prosecution for the blow. On that same day I did in- 
form the officers that I was sorry that they had not had con- 
fidence enough in me to let me know the object of their 



HAMILTON AND BURR 371 

meeting, and that in explaining to them the affair, with its 
causes and all the circumstances, I might have prevented the 
Breach from opening between us, and that they perhaps 
would have been convinced that a full atonement had been 
granted for the Insult, agreeably to stipulation, and that it 
was unjust to carry judgments without hearing but one party, 
but at all events, I proposed a way to come regularly and 
without passion to a Settlement, — which was to leave the 
matter to the decision of three officers of the army well ac- 
quainted with the rules generally observed in affairs of 
honor, and that if they did determine that I owed farther satis- 
faction to Mr. Wilson I would follow their decision to all its 
extent, upon that proposition they altered their former plan 
and changed it into an accusation before the Secretary of 
War. 

I am now arrived to a few Queries which I would wish you 
to favor with your opinion upon and as soon as convenient, 
in order that I may avoid if possible the Inconveniency of a 
writ, which may be served against me upon the application 
of my adversaries. 

When two mihtary characters happen to have a difference 
between them, which has been the cause of a Breach of the 
law short of murder, and when that affair of honor has been 
agreed upon as a Sufficient atonement, is one of the two 
Liable to be prosecuted by the other before the Tribunals of 
the State .? 

Is an offense passed on a Spot within the territory of the 
United States as West Point is, amenable before the tribunal 
of the State of New York .? 

Is an officer accused before a Military Tribunal for an 
offense, by the person who received it, liable to be prosecuted 
at the same time before the civil authority, by the same per- 
son or by anybody else for him .? 

If an officer is tryed before a Military Tribunal, and ac- 
quitted or condemned, is he hable to be prosecuted again 
before the civil tribunal ? 

Can I with the challenge which I have possession of, check 
the writ against me, if any there is } I must own to you Sir, 



372 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

that I would consider that Mode of clearing myself as Shame- 
ful, the perfidy of the act perpetrated against me would be 
the only reason that would make me pass over it, and the dis- 
agreeable situation of being under the weight of an arrest 
from the Civil Authority would be a further reason in favor 
of it. 

I will dispense Sir, with any further Queries upon the sub- 
ject laid before you, I have tried to detail it as much as I 
could, in order that you may be led by the circumstances, 
and that you may give me explanations upon points which, 
the essential, I have not perhaps insisted on or even per- 
ceived. 

The most delicate point which I would be glad you would 
favor me with your opinion upon, Is that of honor, my firm 
determination is to give full and ample satisfaction if wanted, 
even was it unasked, for I conceive that a man Is the most 
unhappy of wretches, if he is convinced that his honor and 
delicacy have received a check. 

I am with great Esteem and Respect, Dear Sir 
You obedt. humble Servant 

Step. Rochefontaine 
Lt. Col. Com'dr. of the 

Artr. & Engr. 

Alex. Hamilton, Esqe., 

Attorney-at-law, New York. 

On May lo he again wrote: 

West Point by Peekskill. 

Dear Sir: I have had the honor to transmit to you in the 
course of last week, a letter detailing the affair which passed 
between Mr. Wilson, a Lieut. In the Corps, and myself; the 
Injuries offered on both sides had been settled agreeably to 
the rules of honor adopted by gentlemen, and in consequence 
of a Particular agreement made by the two Seconds. Two 
days after I received a challenge from Mr. Wilson by his 
second, Mr. Lovel, a Lieut, also, — my answer was that I 
looked on that affair as settled. Some of the officers who 
are far from being my friends, and who are too Prudent to 



HAMILTON AND BURR 373 

Expose themselves without danger, — they assembled the 
officers who, thro' hatred to me, others thro' fear of their 
Brother-in-Arms, many without any other motive but in- 
subordination, which is generaly impregnated in the minds 
of the people under a Free Government, signed a sort of libel 
in which they declare that they will publish to the world, 
that after insulting Mr. Wilson, I refused to give him satis- 
faction; I refused the paper which was not authenticated 
by any signature and I did not receive it back, but they sent 
me a copy of some charges laid against me before the Secre- 
tary of War. 

Mr. McHenry has sent me the copy of the accusation, and 
has not informed me yet what plan he expected to proceed 
upon, — I desired him by this post to grant me a Court of In- 
quiry instead of a Court Martial. The Court of Inquiry 
may investigate the whole affair which will throw the ac- 
cusation to the ground, — a Court Martial on the contrary can- 
not conceive any disposition upon facts, let them be so near 
related to the head of accusation, if they are not materialy 
in the charges, it begins also by a Punishment, the arrest. 
This is at least the principle upon which our officers have 
acted, for they are most of them Lawyers of the worst Kind, 
viz: full of those low means, which are dishonorable in the 
eyes of an honest man. I have another evil to contend with, 
that of preventing the officers from gaining or otherwise 
hindering the witnesses that I may call upon to prove cer- 
tain facts, from telling what they saw or heard. The general 
saying among those people is, that it will bring trouble unto 
those who will take any part for me. 

I will not take up any more of your time to read my scrib- 
bling, my first letter has gone as fully as I thought necessary 
on the details of that affair, — I wish you would oblige me 
with your advice, both as to my conduct towards the civil or 
military prosecution, to avoid the evils prepared against me 
by baseness, and cowardice; any expense attending the 
prosecution of my enemies and my defense upon the delicate 
point of honor, I will bear with a great deal of pleasure, I 
wish therefore you would inform me what will be necessary, 



374 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

and the Sums will immediately be forwarded thro' the Bank 
at New York. 

I wish very much for your answer, and I am very anxious 
to know if you will condescend to take my defense in that 
affair, in which I may again assure you that my honor has 
not received the least attack or blemish. 
I am with great Respect 
Dear Sir 

Your most obedt. Servant 

Step. Rochefontaine. 
Lt. Col. Com'd'r. of yth Corps of 
Art'r. & Eng'rs. 

It does not appear that anything came of all this, and it is 
probable that through Hamilton's efforts matters were ad- 
justed. 

From this time on he underwent a decided change of 
heart regarding this method of settling personal difficulties. 
Many of the old army and some of his friends had fallen 
in the field of honor, for toward the end of the century en- 
counters of this kind were too often the result of trivial 
affronts and tavern brawls. When his own beloved first- 
born perished in this way his horror of the duello became so 
great that he, whenever possible, forced his clients and those 
who consulted him to settle their difficulties in some less 
extreme way.^ 

Brave as he was, it may be, therefore, perceived how his 
encounter with Aaron Burr was one that he was reluctantly 
drawn into, and quite inconsistent with the stand he had 
taken for the last two years before his death. 

* There is a reference in Hamilton's papers to an occasion in 1787, when he acted 
as peacemaker in a quarrel between a Major Pierce and a Mr. Auldjo, who came very 
near fighting. To one of these gentlemen he wrote: "I can never consent to take 
up the character of a second in a duel till I have in vain tried that of mediator. Be 
content with enough, for more ought not to be expected." Referred to by Lodge, 
vol. IX, p. 421. (Constitutional Edition.) 



HAMILTON AND BURR 375 

Though much misconception exists as to the relations of 
Hamilton and Burr, it cannot be denied that destiny shaped 
their lives in such a way that their paths forever crossed, and 
that one always affected the other in some manner during 
their eventful careers. The thought certainly suggests itself 
to the fatalist that the subsequent death of Hamilton and the 
disgrace and poverty of Burr were preordained. A study 
of the parallel of their lives becomes, therefore, one of inter- 
est. They were born within a year of each other. Burr 
entered Princeton College in 1769 when but thirteen, and 
graduated in 1772. He subsequently studied the Gospel, 
but eventually became an atheist. Hamilton entered the 
Continental Army when seventeen. Burr when nineteen. 

Both were brave and dashing young soldiers. Burr 
accompanied Arnold in his expedition to Quebec, and was 
present at the famous assault on the city, although he later 
quarrelled with General Montgomery. From May, 1776, 
he was, for a few weeks, a member of Washington's staff, "^ 
where he must have been associated with Hamilton. Here 
he was detected in "immoralities" by Washington, and his 
resignation as an aide demanded. He subsequently tried 
to injure the Commander-in-Chief by taking sides with 
Gates and Lee, and being proxy to their treachery. He 
behaved well at the battle of Monmouth. 

Hamilton's military duties undoubtedly brought him in close 
contact with Burr, as he, too, was attached to Washington's 
staff.^ His disagreement with the Commander-in-Chief oc- 
curred, but because of nothing worse than wounded vanity, 
and he was not only loyal, but we find that he attacked both 
Lee and Gates in defence of Washington. Physically Ham- 

' According to Worthington Ford, Burr was never an aide-de-camp of Washing- 
ton's. His name does not appear in the list, but it is possible he was detailed for a 
time, and not regularly appointed. See "The Writings of George Washington," 
vol. XIV, p. 452. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1893. 



376 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

ikon and Burr were slight men, and both gifted with ex- 
traordinary powers of fascination. As OHver has pointed 
out, Burr exercised this gift to win any one and every one. 
Hamilton discriminated, and charmed the worthy minority.^ 

After the war, both began the practice of law in the same 
year, and were associated or opposed to each other in many 
local cases. According to his biographers Burr had no 
rival but Hamilton. He finally, after eight years in the 
Legislature, came to New York and took a magnificent house 
known as Richmond Hill. From the first he prospered, 
not only in Albany, but in New York, and lived luxuriously, 
while Hamilton was not so well favored, and got along as 
well as he could on much smaller emoluments, bringing up 
his large family. When the former began his legal prac- 
tice in Albany he was twenty-six. Hamilton was twenty- 
five. 

In political life Burr was always a consistent and bitter anti- 
Federalist, although, for a time, he pretended a half-hearted 
attachment to this party. Later he was more or less of a 
sycophant to Jefferson, until the latter grew tired of him. 
His atheistic ideas made him a warm partisan of the cause 
of the French Republic. Hamilton detested the French 



* Burr's peculiarly attractive manner was sketched by a person who remembered 
him, and communicated his impressions to a member of my family. "I was 
brought up," he said, "with a horror towards Colonel Burr. I remember well the 
first time I saw him. I met him when walking with my mother in Broadway when 
I was about seven years old. I was attracted by this peculiar, foreign -looking man 
in the old-fashioned costume of tights and powder, and turned to gaze at him. He 
had also turned and stood looking at us. Always after, when we met him, I found 
that he looked after us with Curiosity. When I was old enough to understand the 
dreadful fate of his only child, to hear how lovely she was, these few meetings touched 
me sensibly. You know how fascinating he was to young men. Two very dis- 
tinguished men of our State, who were much noticed by him when quite young, 
have told me of his rare attraction. When I inquired in what it consisted, one of 
them replied — 'In his manner of listening. He seemed to give your thoughts so 
much value by his manner of receiving, & to find so much more meaning in your 
words than you had intended; no flattery was more subtle.' " 




AARON BURR 

From ,in engraved portrait by St. Memin 



HAMILTON AND BURR 377 

revolutionists. Burr was selfish, Hamilton altruistic, de- 
voting his talents to the good of all. 

So far as is known. Burr never openly wrote anything, 
and there are no literary remains except his diary, which is a 
curious and eccentric production. All unite in praising his 
eloquence, his shrewdness and cleverness, his ''dauntless 
resolution," and his great self-possession. 

His engaging manners, which have been referred to, gave 
him all the power of a demagogue, and, for a time, he was a 
master of men, such as they were. "In his case," says a 
critic, "the finest gifts of nature and fortune were spoiled by 
unsound moral principles, and the absence of all genuine 
convictions. His habits were licentious. He was a master 
of intrigue, though to little purpose." ^ 

In later years the paths of the two men diverged to a still 
greater degree, the course of Burr being marked by flagrant 
trickery and conscienceless immorality. In contrast to this 
was Hamilton's purity of motive and honest consistency. 

Though Burr and Hamilton were nearly always on op- 
posite political sides, this was most marked during the end 
of the eighteenth century, when the Federalists were eflPect- 
ually overthrown and beaten. Though defeated by Gen- 
eral Schuyler in 1797, when the latter was elected senator, 
Burr in 1800 became Vice-President, and Jefferson Presi- 
dent, there being a tie which was broken by the election of 
the latter to chief office. It was at this time that Hamilton's 
pent-up indignation found the fullest vent in a series of letters 
both from his pen and those of his friends. 

Burr was a member of the convention to revise the Con- 
stitution, and was unanimously elected chairman. While 
it is true that Hamilton for a time favored Jefferson's elec- 
tion as President, his advocacy was half-hearted, and the mis- 

* "Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography," p. 467. 



378 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

taken idea arose from political exigencies, for he could not 
tolerate Burr or his methods. 

In this connection he wrote to Theodore Sedgwick, in 
December 22, 1800:* 

I entirely agree with you, my dear sir, that in the event of 
Jefferson and Burr coming to the House of Representatives, 
the former is to be preferred. The appointment of Burr as 
President would disgrace our country abroad. No agree- 
ment with him could be relied upon. His private circum- 
stances render disorder a necessary resource. His public 
principles offer no obstacle. His ambition aims at nothing 
short of permanent power and wealth in his own person. 
For heaven's sake, let not the federal party be responsible for 
the elevation of this man! 

It is unfair to say that Burr was only a "respectable lawyer 
and speaker," as has been alleged. He was really brilliant, 
able, and full of resources.^ Hamilton was associated with 
him in many cases, and Burr often had a great deal to do with 
the ultimate success of the particular action — the Le Guen 
case being an example — and he took good care to get the 
lion's share of compensation. 

While Hamilton's chief success was before juries, it would 
appear, from the few carefully reported cases that went to 
appeal, that Burr was more often successful there. 

In the early days of the acquaintance, and even for many 

1 "Hamilton's Works," vol. VI, p. 495. 

^ Oliver's opinion of Burr is of interest as that of an impartial historian: 
"It is impossible, moreover, to resist the conclusion that Aaron Burr, with all his 
great and admirable qualities, was, in fact, a sham. Chesterfieldian maxims are not 
the best foundation for a real human character. His manner and his pose were 
magnificent. His attitude in the face of the world was sublime. But we have 
the feeling all the time that he was acting; that in public affairs his eye was fixed 
upon the pit and the stalls, or, at any rate, upon the critics rather than upon the 
subject. He made no vulgar appeal to a mean audience. We feel indeed that 
often his sole admirers — pit, stalls, and critics — consisted of himself, and he was a 
severe judge. But it was acting all the same." — Op. cit., p. 416. 



HAMILTON AND BURR 379 

years after, their relations were not unfriendly, and Hamilton, 
doubtless, admired and respected the mental qualities of his 
adversary, and was fair enough to admit it; but he was 
placed, upon many occasions, in the disagreeable position of 
appearing against Burr for clients who had been the victim 
of the latter's dishonest practices. 

Much speculation has been indulged in regarding Hamil- 
ton's action in meeting Burr, despite his strong and oft- 
expressed prejudices against duelling, and many conscien- 
tious people are inclined to censure him for this. There can 
be no doubt, however, that he deliberately sacrificed himself 
for his patriotic principles, and I prefer to take the view held 
by a few persons that he met Burr only because he knew that 
his future usefulness as the leader of his party would have 
been hurt by any exhibition of what might have been, in any 
degree, regarded by the mob as the white feather. It is un- 
necessary to call attention to the obligations of the code in 
those days. In fact, until a very late period in the history of 
some States, the refusal to accept a challenge would have 
been paramount to a confession of cowardice. Even forty 
years later the kind-hearted and peaceful-minded Abraham 
Lincoln prepared himself to fight a duel with broadswords, 
and actually went to meet his adversary, who ingloriously 
retired when he saw his huge opponent slashing the grass 
with his enormous weapon.^ As Lodge has intimated, Ham- 
ilton knew that the time might come when civil war, or the 
insults of the French nation, would precipitate a conflict, and 
that as one likely to be major-general his prestige as a com- 
mander would be seriously hurt if he had not gone out to 

' The challenge was sent by one James Shields, a boastful and pompous person, 
who had been ridiculed in a local newspaper called the Sangamo Journal by Lincoln 
and others. A full account of this proceeding may be found in "Abraham Lincoln 
— A History," by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, vol. I, p. 203. New York, The 
Century Company, 1890. 



380 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

fight with Burr. Although Hamilton, in his later life, hated 
the very idea of settling disputes of personal wrongs in this 
way, he, as a soldier, could not entirely free himself from the 
customary obligations of his profession. 

Rufus King,^ a temperate and cool-headed man, did his 
best to stop the duel, and in a letter to Charles King, April 2, 
1819, said: "You cannot my Dr. Sir, hold in greater ab- 
horrence than I do, the practice of duelling. Our lamented 
friend was not unacquainted with my opinion on the sub- 
ject, but with a mind the most capacious and discriminating 
that I ever knew, he had laid down for the government of 
himself certain rules upon the subject of Duels, the fallacy 
of which could not fail to be seen by any man of ordinary un- 
derstanding; with these guides it is my deliberate opinion 
that he could not have avoided a meeting with Col. Burr, had 
he even declined the first challenge." 

After the duel, and even to-day, it is hard for some ad- 
mirers of Burr to believe all this, and it has been repeatedly 
asserted that Hamilton did not throw away his first shot. 
Not only is this erroneous, but every utterance and action 
shows that he had absolutely no intention of shooting Burr, 
and though his pistol was discharged it was an involuntary 
act.^ The account of Dr. Hosack contains references to 
this, and his own letters and papers are convincing witnesses 
of his sincere good faith. In the statement Hamilton drew 
up before he fought he speaks not only of his desire to avoid 
the interview upon "religious and moral" grounds, the pos- 

' Also "Rufus King's Life and Letters," pp. 398 el seq., vol. IV. 

^ Both Burr and Van Ness always said that Hamilton fired first by a second. 
Judge Pendleton, after Van Ness's dissatisfaction with the report, went to Wee- 
hawken a day or two after and inspected the duelling ground. He stated that 
Hamilton's bullet hit a branch twelve and one-half feet above the ground, four 
feet to the right, and thirteen feet from where Hamilton stood — the contestants 
stood eleven paces apart. This was considered proof by him that Hamilton's 
pistol was accidentally discharged. 



HAMILTON AND BURR 381 

sible loss to his family, and a sense of obligation to his 
creditors, but he says: "It is also my ardent wish that I 
may have been, and that he [Burr] by his future conduct 
may show himself worthy of all confidence and esteem, and 
prove an ornament and blessing to his Country." If these 
words are not an indication that he believed Burr would 
survive, and intended he should, they mean nothing. Again, 
in the two last letters to his wife, there is a clearly expressed 
idea that he would himself fall. 

This paper, written by him, is again worthy of reproduction 
and goes to prove all this: 

On my expected interview with Col. Burr, I think it proper 
to make some remarks explanatory of my conduct, motives 
and views. 

I was certainly desirous of avoiding this interview for the 
most cogent reasons. 

1. My religious and moral principles are strongly op- 
posed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give me 
pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow creature in 
a private combat forbidden by the laws. 

2. My wife and children are extremely dear to me, and my 
life is of the utmost importance to them, in various views. 

3. I feel a sense of obligation towards my creditors; who 
in case of accident to me, by the forced sale of my property, 
may be in some degree sufferers. I did not think myself at 
liberty as a man of probity, lightly to expose them to this 
hazard. 

4. I am conscious of no ill will to Col. Burr, distinct from 
political opposition, which, as I trust, has proceeded from 
pure and upright motives. 

Lastly, I shall hazard much, and can possibly gain nothing 
by the issue of the interview. 

But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid it. 
There were intrinsic difficulties in the thing, and artificial 
embarrassments, from the manner of proceeding on the 
part of Col. Burr. 



382 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Intrinsic, because it is not to be denied, that my animad- 
versions on the poHtical principles, character, and views of 
Col. Burr, have been extremely severe; and on different 
occasions, I, in common with many others, have made very 
unfavorable criticisms on particular instances of the private 
conduct of this gentleman. 

In proportion as these impressions were entertained with 
sincerity, and uttered with motives and for purposes which 
might appear to me commendable, would be the difficulty 
(until they could be removed by evidence of their being 
erroneous), of explanation or apology. The disavowal re- 
quired of me by Col. Burr, in a general and indefinite form, 
was out of my power, if it had really been proper for me to 
submit to be so questioned; but I was sincerely of opinion 
that this could not be, and in this opinion, I was confirmed 
by that of a very moderate and judicious friend whom I 
consulted. Besides that, Col. Burr appeared to me to as- 
sume, in the first instance, a tone unnecessarily peremp- 
tory and menacing, and in the second, positively offensive. 
Yet I wished, as far as might be practicable, to leave a 
door open to accommodation. This, I think, will be in- 
ferred from the written communications made by me and by 
my direction, and would be confirmed by the conversations 
between Mr. Van Ness and myself, which arose out of the 
subject. 

I am not sure whether, under all the circumstances, I 
did not go further in the attempt to accommodate, than a 
punctilious delicacy will justify. If so, I hope the motives I 
have stated will excuse me. 

It is not my design, by what I have said, to affix any odium 
on the conduct of Col. Burr, in this case. He doubtless has 
heard of animadversions of mine, which bore very hard upon 
him; and it is probable that as usual they were accompa- 
nied with some falsehoods. He may have supposed himself 
under a necessity of acting as he has done. I hope the 
grounds of his proceeding have been such as ought to satisfy 
his own conscience. 

I trust, at the same time, that the world will do me the 



HAMILTON AND BURR 383 

justice to believe that I have not censured him on light 
grounds, nor from unworthy inducements. I certainly have 
had strong reasons for what I may have said, though it is 
possible that in some particulars, I may have been influ- 
enced by misconstruction or misinformation. It is also my 
ardent wish that I may have been more mistaken than I 
think I have been, and that, he, by his future conduct, may 
show himself worthy of all confidence and esteem, and prove 
an ornament and blessing to the country. 

As well because it is possible that I may have injured 
Col. Burr, however convinced myself that my opinions and 
declarations have been well founded, as from my general 
principles and temper in relation to similar affairs, I have 
resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, 
and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to reserve and 
throw away my first fire, and I have thoughts of even reserving 
my second fire — and thus giving a double opportunity to 
Col. Burr to pause and to reflect. 

It is not, however, my intention to enter into any expla- 
nations on the ground — Apology from principle, I hope, 
rather than pride, is out of the question. 

To those, who, with me, abhorring the practice of duelling, 
may think that I ought on no account to have added to the 
number of bad examples, I answer, that my relative situation, 
as well in public as private, enforcing all the considerations 
which constitute what men of the world denominate honour, 
imposed on me (as I thought) a peculiar necessity not to de- 
cline the call. The ability to be in future useful, whether in 
resisting mischief or effecting good, in those crises of our 
public affairs which seem likely to happen, would probably 
be inseparable from a conformity with public prejudice in 
this particular. 

A. H. 



CHAPTER XIII 
THE DUEL 

There need be no speculation as to the cause of the duel. 
What has been said in previous chapters shows the forces 
that were at work for a very long time, but in a more pro- 
nounced way for at least two years before the event. Even 
if he had not wished to do so, Hamilton was unwillingly 
obliged, in the practice of his profession, to expose Burr's 
corrupt practices and the manner in which he swindled 
his clients; he had no choice. In political antagonism the 
worst offence was given, for Hamilton's attacks had been 
unremitting and bitter, and though undertaken because he 
believed the welfare of the nation demanded the defeat of 
Burr, he could expect no other ending than that which 
followed. 

While the correspondence directly connected with the 
sending of the challenge seemed forced and disingenuous 
upon Burr's part, and the issue was directly precipitated by 
the latter, he was undoubtedly goaded on by Hamilton's 
scathing denunciation, and it is surprising that he did not 
force the duel upon some much earlier occasion, as Hamilton 
was always free in his criticism, and wrote many letters and 
inspired many bitter newspaper attacks. What could be 
more provoking than the letter addressed to John Rutledge, 
and found afterward among the papers of Francis Hop- 
kinson .? ' 

' Century Magazine, vol. IX, p. 250. 
384 



THE DUEL 385 

Alexander Hamilton to John Rutledge 
(Confidential) 

New York, Jaiiv. 4, 1801. 

My Dear Sir: My extreme anxiety about the ensuing 
election of President by the House of Representatives will 
excuse to you the liberty I take in addressing you concerning 
it without being consulted by you. Did you know M^ Burr 
as well as I do, I should think it unnecessary. With your 
honest attachment to the Country and correctness of views, 
it would not then be possible for you to hesitate, if you now 
do, about the course to be taken. You would be clearly of 
opinion with me that M^ Jefferson is to be preferred. 

As long as the Federal party preserve their high ground 
of integrity and principle, I shall not despair of the public 
weal. But if they quit it and descend to be the willing in- 
strurrients of the Elevation of the most unfit and most dan- 
gerous man of the community to the highest station in the 
Government — I shall no longer see any anchor for the hopes 
of good men. I shall at once anticipate all the evils that a 
daring and unprincipled ambition wielding the lever of 
Jacobinism can bring upon an infatuated Country. 

The enclosed paper exhibits a faithful sketch of M^ Burr's 
character as I believe it to exist, with better opportunities 
than almost any other man of forming a true estimate. 

The expectation, I know, is, that if M*". Burr shall owe his 
elevation to the Foederal party he will judge it his interest to 
adhere to that party. But it ought to be recollected, that he 
will owe it in the first instance to the Antifoederal party; 
that among these, though perhaps not in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, a numerous class prefers him to M"". Jefferson 
as best adapted by the boldness and cunning of his temper 
to fulfil their mischievous views; and that it will be the in- 
terest of his Ambition to preserve and cultivate these friends. 

M^ Burr will doubtless be governed by his interest as he 
views it. But stable power and wealth being his objects — 
and there being no prospect that the respectable and sober 



386 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

foederalists will countenance the projects of an irregular 
Ambition or prodigal Cupidity, he will not long lean upon 
them — but selecting from among them men suited to his 
purpose he will seek with the aid of these and of the most 
unprincipled of the opposite party to accomplish his ends. 
At least such ought to be our calculation — From such a man 
as him, who practices all the maxims of a Catiline, who 
while despising, has played the whole game of, democracy, 
what better is to be looked for. T is not to a Chapter of 
Accidents, that we ought to trust the Government peace 
and happiness of our country — T is enough for us to know 
that M^ Burr is one of the most unprincipled men in the 
U States in order to determine us to decline being responsible 
for the precarious issues of his calculations of Interest. 

Very different ought to be our plan. Under the un- 
certainty of the Event we ought to seek to obtain from M^ 
Jefferson these assurances i That the present Fiscal System 
will be maintained 2 That the present neutral plan will be 
adhered to 3 That the Navy will be preserved and gradually 
increased 4 That Foederalists now in office, not being heads 
of the great departments will be retained. As to the heads 
of Departments & other matters he ought to be free. 

You cannot in my opinion render a greater service to your 
Country than by exerting your influence to counteract the 
impolitic and impure idea of raising M^ Burr to the Chief 
Magistracy. 

Adieu My Dear Sir Yrs with sincere 

affecn & regard . jt 

^ A. Hamilton. 

J. Rutledge Esq' 

(The inclosure, also in Hamilton's Handwriting.) 

(Confidential) 
A Burr 

i-He is in every sense a profligate; a voluptuary in the ex- 
treme, with uncommon habits of expense; in his profession 
extortionate to a proverb; suspected on strong grounds of 



THE DUEL 387 

having corruptly served the views of the Holland Company, 
in the capacity of a member of our legislature;* and un- 
derstood to have been guilty of several breaches of probity 
in his pecuniary transactions. His very friends do not in- 
sist upon his integrity. 

2 He is without doubt insolvent for a large deficit. All 
his visible property is deeply mortgaged, and he is known to 
owe other large debts for which there is no specific security. 
Of the number of these is a Judgment in favour of M^ 
Angerstien for a sum which with interest amounts to about 
80,000 Dollars.^ 

3 The fair emoluments of any station, under our govern- 
ment, will not equal his expenses in that station; still less 
will they suffice to extricate him from his embarrassments. 
He must therefore from the necessity of his station have re- 
course to unworthy expedients. These may be a bargain 
and sale with some foreign power, or combinations with pub- 
lic agents in projects of gain by means of the public moneys; 
perhaps and probably, to enlarge the sphere — a war. 

4 He has no pretensions to the Station from services. He 
acted in different capacities in the last war finally with the 
rank of L*Col in a Regiment, and gave indications of being a 
good officer; but without having had the opportunity of per- 
forming any distinguished action. At a critical period of the 
war, he resigned his commission, assigning for cause ill- 
health, and went to repose at Paramus in the State of New 
Jersey. If his health was bad he might without difficulty 
have obtained a furlough and was not obliged to resign. He 
was afterwards seen in his usual health. The circumstance 
excited much jealousy of his motives. In civil life, he has 
never projected nor aided in producing a single measure of 
important public utility. 

5 He has constantly sided with the party hostile to foed- 
eral measures before and since the present constitution of 
the U States — In opposing the adoption of this constitution 
he was engaged covertly and insidiously; because, as he said 

* This refers to Burr's attempt to modify the laws of the State of New York, per- 
mitting aliens to hold and dispose of land. "^ Hamilton was Angerstien's lawyer. 



388 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

at the time "it was too strong and too weak" and he has been 
uniformly the opposer of the Foederal Administration. 

6 No mortal can tell what his political principles are. He 
has talked all round the compass. At times he has dealt in 
all the jargon of Jacobinism ; at other times he has proclaimed 
decidedly to total insufficiency of the Fcederal Government 
and the necessity of changes to one far more energetic. The 
truth seems to be that he has no plan but that of getting 
power by any means and keeping it by all means. It is prob- 
able that if he has any theory t is that of a simple despotism. 
He has intimated that he thinks the present French consti- 
tution not a bad one. 

7 He is of a temper bold enough to think no enterprise too 
hazardous and sanguine enough to think none too difficult. 
He has censured the leaders of the Foederal party as wanting 
in vigour and enterprise, for not having established a strong 
Government when they were in possession of the power and 
influence. 

8 Discerning men of all parties agree in ascribing to him 
an irregular and inordinate ambition. Like Catiline, he is 
indefatigable in courting the young and the profligate. He 
knows well the weak sides of human nature, and takes care 
to play in with the passions of all with whom he has inter- 
course. By natural disposition, the haughtiest of men, he 
is at the same time the most creeping to answer his purposes. 
Cold and collected by nature and habit, he never loses sight 
of his object and scruples no means of accomplishing it. He 
is artful and intriguing to an inconceivable degree. In 
short all his conduct indicates that he has in view nothing 
less than the establishment of Supreme Power in his own 
person. Of this nothing can be a surer index than that 
having in fact high-toned notions of Government, he has 
nevertheless constantly opposed the foederal and courted 
the popular party. As he never can efi^ect his wish by the 
aid of good men, he will court and employ able and daring 
scoundrels of every party, and by availing himself of their 
assistance and of all the bad passions of the Society, he will 
in all likelihood attempt an usurpation. 



THE DUEL 389 

8 [sic] Within the last three weeks at his own Table, he 
drank these toasts successively i The French Republic 

2 The Commissioners who negotiated the Convention 

3 Buonaparte 4 La Fayette: and he countenanced and 
seconded the positions openly advanced by one of his guests 
that it was the interest of this country to leave it free to the 
Belligerent Powers to sell their prizes in our ports and to 
build and equip ships for their respective uses; a doctrine 
which evidently aims at turning all the naval resources of the 
U States into the channel of France; and which by making 
these states the most pernicious enemy of G Britain would 
compel her to go to war with us. 

9 Though possessing infinite art cunning and address — 
he is yet to give proofs of great or soHd abilities. It is cer- 
tain that at the Bar he is more remarkable for ingenuity and 
dexterity, than for sound judgment or good logic. From 
the character of his understanding and heart it is likely 
that any innovation which he may effect will be such as to 
serve the turn of his own power, not such as will issue in estab- 
lishments favourable to the permanent security and pros- 
perity of the Nation — founded upon the principles of a strong 
free and regular Government.^ 

This letter, and those addressed to James A. Bayard, 
James Ross, and Theodore Sedgwick, as well as others, 
must have become public property, or at least have been 
known to reach Burr. Although the two men for a long 
time naturally hated each other, there does not appear to 
have been any very marked outward expression of this ani- 
mosity. It is stated, that at a meeting of the Cincinnati, a 
few days before the duel, Hamilton entertained the com- 
pany with a song, and that Burr, who was present, was ob- 
served to be silent and gloomy, gazing with marked and 
fixed earnestness at Hamilton during this song.^ It is not 

' Also see "Life and Correspondence of McHenry," p. 485. 

^ Morse, II, 364. The song is supposed by some to have been " The Drum," 
but by others one of Wolfe's songs called, "How Stands the Glass Around." See 
a pamphlet by I. E. Graybill, entitled, "Alexander Hamilton," Nevis, Weehawken. 



390 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

difficult to telieve that this was one of those cases when one 
man breeds in the other a species of fascination and affec- 
tion — distinct as it were from another self that becomes so 
hateful and insupportable, that destruction is the only relief. 
How the words of Brutus suggest themselves! 

The first intimation of the duel was a letter written by 
Burr to Hamilton, June i8, 1804, and delivered to the 
latter by W. P. Van Ness, a legal friend of both. The at- 
tention of Hamilton was called to an alleged assertion made 
by a Dr. Cooper of Albany in effect that he (Cooper), "could 
detail a still more despicable opinion which General Hamil- 
ton has expressed of Mr. Burr." In this communication 
Burr reminded Hamilton that "he must perceive the neces- 
sity of a prompt unqualified acknowledgment or denial" of 
the use of these expressions. In a letter written by Hamil- 
ton to Burr, June 20, 1804, the former says: 

I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 
1 8th inst., and the more I have reflected the more I have be- 
come convinced that I could not without manifest impro- 
priety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think 
necessary. The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in 
these terms, "I could detail to you a still more despicable 
opinion which Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr." To 
endeavour to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was 
obliged to seek in the antecedent part of this letter for the 
opinion to which it referred, as having been already dis- 
closed: I found it in these words, "General Hamilton and 
Judge Kent have declared in substance, that they looked 
upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought 
not to be trusted with the reins of government." 

The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies, that he con- 
sidered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a 
despicable one, but he affirms that I have expressed some 
other, still more despicable; without, however, mentioning 
to whom, when, or where. 'Tis evident that the phrase " still 



THE DUEL 391 

more despicable" admits of infinite shades from very light to 
very dark. How^ am I to judge of the degree intended ? or 
how shall I annex any precise idea to language so indefinite ? 

Betv^een Gentlemen, despicable and more despicable are 
not worth the pains of a distinction: when, therefore, you 
do not interrogate me, as to the opinion which is specifically 
ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within 
the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents 
upon each other may justifiably extend, and consequently 
as not warranting the idea of it which Doctor Cooper ap- 
pears to entertain. 

Repeating that I cannot reconcile it with propriety to 
make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add 
that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be 
interrogated as to the justice of the inferences which may be 
drawn by others from whatever I may have said of a political 
opponent in the course of a fifteen years' competition. . . . 
I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly 
any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with 
having declared of any Gentleman. More than this cannot 
fitly be expected from me; and especially it cannot be rea- 
sonably expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon 
a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust 
on more reflection you will see the matter in the same light 
with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstance and 
must abide the consequences. 

The publication of Doctor Cooper was never seen by 

me 'till after the receipt of your letter. 

I have the honor to be, &c., * tt 

' A. Hamilton. 

Col. Burr. 

In reply to this letter, on June 21, Burr said: 

Your letter of the 20th instant has been this day received. 
Having considered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing 
of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value. 

Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from 
the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor and 



392 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

the rules of decorum. I neither claim such privilege nor in- 
dulge it in others. , . . 

Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for re- 
quiring a definite reply. 

The New York Evening Post, in the issue of July 12, says: 
"On Saturday, the 22d of June, Gen. Hamilton, for the first 
time, called on Mr. P. [Pendleton] and communicated to 
him the preceding correspondence. He informed him that 
in a conversation with Mr. V. N. [Van Ness] at the time of 
receiving the last letter, he told Mr. V. N. that he considered 
that letter as rude and offensive, and that it was not possible 
for him to give it any other answer than that Mr. Burr must 
take such steps as he might think proper. He said further, 
that Mr. V. N. requested him to take time to deliberate, and 
then return an answer, when he might possibly entertain a 
different opinion, and that he would call on him to receive it. 
That his reply to Mr. V. N. was, that he did not perceive it 
possible for him to give any other answer than that he had 
mentioned unless Mr. Burr would take back his last letter 
and write one which would admit of a different reply. He 
then gave Mr. P. the letter hereafter mentioned of the 22d 
of June, to be delivered to Mr. V. N. when he should call on 
Mr. P. for an answer, and went to his country house." 

The correspondence was continued at length, being chiefly 
between W. P. Van Ness and Nathaniel Pendleton, who also 
had several conversations together, as representatives of 
their principals in the difficulty. The final letter, from Mr. 
Van Ness, dated June 27, concluded as follows: "The 
length to which this correspondence has extended, only 
proving that the redress, earnestly desired, cannot be ob- 
tained, he [Col. Burr] deems it useless to offer any proposi- 
tion except the simple message which I shall now have the 
honor to deliver." 



THE DUEL 393 

It is added, by the Evening Post, that, "with this letter a 
message was received, such as was to be expected, contain- 
ing an invitation which was accepted, and Mr. P. informed 
Mr. V. N. he should hear from him the next day as to further 
particulars." 

There was a delay caused by General Hamilton's pro- 
fessional engagements in the Circuit Court, but "on Friday, 
the 6th of July, the Circuit being closed, Mr. P. gave this 
information, and that Gen. Hamilton would be ready, at any 
time after the Sunday following. On Monday the particulars 
were arranged." 

The attitude of Hamilton toward his family must have, 
for many days, been extremely embarrassing, for the meeting 
with Burr appears to have been postponed from time to time. 
Meanwhile he lived with his wife and children at the Grange, 
and, apparently, attended to his affairs in the city with his ac- 
customed regularity. He wrote his wife two farewell letters, 
one on July 4, and another on July 10, at 10 p.m., but how 
these letters reached her, or by whom they were delivered, 
is not known. They were preserved by her and were prob- 
ably carried about and reread many times, judging by 
their tattered appearance, and to-day one of them is scarcely 
legible. The first letter was possibly written after he had 
attended the meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati — per- 
haps after he had rendered the jovial song the night before 
the duel, at some place in the city itself. 

Alexander Hatndton to Elizabeth Hamilton 

This letter, my very dear Eliza, will not be delivered to 
you unless I shall first have terminated my earthly career, 
to begin, as I humbly hope, from redeeming grace and di- 
vine mercy, a happy immortality. 



394 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



If it had been possible for me to have avoided the inter 
viev^, my love for you and my precious children would have 
been alone a decisive motive. But it was not possible, 
without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy 
of your esteem. I need not tell you of the pangs I feel from 
the idea of quitting you, and exposing you to the anguish 
which I know you would feel. Nor could I dwell on the 
topic lest it should unman me. 

The consolations of Religion, my beloved, can alone sup- 
port you; and these you have a right to enjoy. Fly to the 
bosom of your God and be comforted. 

With my last idea I shall cherish the sweet hope of meeting 
you in a better world. 

Adieu best of wives — best of women. 

Embrace all my darling children for me. 

Ever yours A. H. 

July 4, 1804. 

Mrs. Hamilton. 

Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton 

My beloved Eliza: Mrs. Mitchel is the person in the 
world to whom as a friend I am under the greatest obliga- 
tions^ I have not hitherto done my duty to her. But re- 
solved to repair my omission to her as much as possible, I 
have encouraged her to come to this country, and intend, if 
it shall be in my power, to render the evening of her days 
comfortable. 

But if it shall please God to put this out of my power, and 
to enable you hereafter to be of service to her, I entreat you 
to do it, and to treat her with the tenderness of a sister. 

This is my second letter. 

The scruples of a Christian have determined me to expose 
my own life to any extent rather than subject myself to the 
guilt of taking the life of another. This much increases my 
hazards, and redoubles my pangs for you. 

But you had rather I should die innocent than live guilty. 



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THE DUEL 395 

Heaven can preserve me, and I humbly hope will; but in 
the contrary event I charge you to remember that you are a 
Christian. God's will be done! 

The will of a merciful God must be good. Once more, 
Adieu, my darling, darling wife. 

A. H. 

Tuesday Evening, lo o'Cl. 
Mrs. Hamilton. 



Early the next morning he was shot. 

The story of the meeting has been so often repeated that 
it seems unnecessary to again pubhsh the famihar details, 
yet even to-day there is much misconception. I shall, how- 
ever, present the well-attested facts, to which I purpose to 
add others in my possession. The available and estab- 
lished data concerning the duel seem to be those which 
follow. 

On Friday, July 6, 1804, Mr. Pendleton informed Mr. 
Van Ness that General Hamilton would be ready at any time 
after the eighth. On Monday the particulars were arranged; 
on Wednesday the parties met on the Jersey shore at seven 
o'clock in the morning. 

The details of the actual meeting were printed by the 
New York Evening Post of July 12,^ and the account is that 
furnished by the seconds. It may be stated in this connec- 
tion that the conclusions of these gentlemen were not har- 
monious, as may be seen by a comparison of the newspaper 
account with Mr. Pendleton's notes, which are now for the 
first time published. The language of the published state- 
ment essentially agrees with that in " Paper 2" in the Pendle- 
ton memoranda ; but there is an abrupt hiatus after the words 

* As well as the Morning Chronicle, which was established in 1802, and edited by 
Dr. Peter Irving. (See Hudson's " History of Journalism," p. 263.) 



396 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

"The fire of Colonel ." ^ It would appear as if Van 

Ness, after agreeing to the statement, had changed his mind 
the day after the duel. 

Col. Burr arrived first on the ground, as had been pre- 
viously agreed: When Gen. Hamilton arrived the parties ex- 
changed salutations, and the seconds proceeded to make 
their arrangements. They measured the distance, ten full 
paces, and cast lots for the choice of position, as also to de- 
termine by v^hom the word should be given; both of which 
fell to the second of Gen. Hamilton. They then proceeded to 
load the pistols in each other's presence, after which the 

' Memorandum of original papers connected with duel between General Hamilton 
and Colonel Burr, fought on the 12th day of July, 1804. [The interlineations and 
corrections are as contained in originals.] 

No. I. The following paper is in the handwriting of Nathaniel Pendleton, Esq., 
General Hamilton's second: 

" I. The parties will leave town tomorrow morning about five oClock, and meet 

at the place agreed on. The party arriving first shall wait for the other. 
" 2. The weapons shall be pistols not exceeding eleven inches in the barrel. The 

distance ten paces. 
"3. The choice of positions to be determined by lot. 

" 4. The parties having taken their positions one of the seconds to be determined 
by lot (after having ascertained that both parties are ready) shall loudly 
and distinctly give the word 'present' — If one of the parties fires, and the 
other hath not fired, the opposite second shall say one, two, three, fire, and 
he shall then fire or lose his shot. A snap or flash is a fire. 
"Monday. 

"11 July 1804." 

No. 2 is a paper in Mr. Pendleton's handwriting which evidently was read over to 
Mr. Van Ness, Colonel Burr's second, and abruptly ends, for the reason that the 
seconds could not agree on the concluding part of it. It is endorsed, as appears 
on the back, "Facts agreed between N P. & Wm. V. Ness," which shows that, 
so far as it went, it was agreed upon. This paper is as follows: 

"Colo. Burr arrived first on the ground, as had been previously agreed — When 
General Hamilton arrived the parties exchanged salutations, and the seconds pro- 
ceeded to make their arrangements. 

"They measured the distance ten full paces, and cast lots for the choice of posi- 
tion, as also to determine by whom the word should be given, both of which fell to 
the Second of General Hamilton. They then proceeded to load the Pistols in each 
others presence after which the parties took their stations. The Gentleman who 
was to give the word then explained to the parties the rules which were to govern 
them in firing, which were as follows: 'The parties being placed at their stations, 
the second who gives the word shall ask them if they are ready — being answered in 



THE DUEL 397 

parties took their stations/ The gentleman who was to give 
the word then explained to the parties the rules which were 
to govern them in firing, which were as follows: 

The parties being placed at their stations the second 
who gives the word shall ask them whether they are ready; 
being answered in the affirmative, he shall say 'Present!^ 
?ihex: t}m.s please . . . If one fires before the other, the opposite 
second shall say one, two, three, fire . . . and he shall then 
fire or lose his fire." He then asked if they were prepared; 
being answered in the affirmative, he gave the word presenty 
as had been agreed upon, and both parties presented and 

the af&rmative he shall say "present" after which the parties shall present & fire 
when they please. If one fires before the other the opposite second shall say, one, 
two, three, fire, and he shall fire or lose his fire. The Gentleman who was to give 
the word asked if they were prepared, being answered in the affirmative he gave 
the word " present." Both the parties presented. The Pistols were both discharged 
succesively (but the time intervening between the two is not here stated the seconds 

not agreeing in that fact) The fire of Col^.'" 

On July 13, 1804, Mr. Van Ness, Colonel Burr's second, wrote Mr. Pendleton a 
letter, which shows that there was some discussion as to completing the statement. 
The letter is as follows : 

"D Sir: I left you for the purpose of procuring and examining my own papers 
relative to the late unfortunate affair, and was sorry to find on my return that you 
had left Dr. Hosack's — The statement which you hastily read to me contained one 
or two things that rendered it desirable for me to recur to my own notes — As I 
presume no publication will be made in the morning papers, I will have the honor 
of seeing you again on my return to the City, which will be at an early hour in the 
morning — 

"I have the honor to be 

"Your most obt & very 
"hm Svt 

"W. P. Van Ness. 
"Nath. Pendleton, Esq. 
"July 13, 1804." 

No. 4 is two slips of paper, apparently originally one piece, which has been acci- 
dentally torn apart at one of the foldings. This is in Mr. Van Ness's handwriting, 
and is evidently intended as a proposed correction of the published account of the 
duel in the paper. This is without date. There is nothing on it to show that it 

' An incident of the duel, afterward related by Burr, was that Hamilton asked for 
a moment's delay before the signal was given to wipe his eyeglasses. This is un- 
true, as Hamilton never wore eyeglasses. (A. McL. H.) 



398 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



fired in succession — the intervening time is not expressed, as 
the seconds do not precisely agree on that point. 

The fire of Colonel Burr took effect, and General Hamil- 
ton almost instantly fell. Col. Burr then advanced toward 
General Hamilton, with a manner and gesture that ap- 
peared to General Hamilton's friend to be expressive of 

was sent to Mr. Pendleton, but the fact that it was found among Mr. Pendleton's 
papers would indicate it had been sent to him by Mr. Van Ness. The paper is as 
follows: 

(First piece:) "It is agreed by the Gentlemen who attended Genl Hamilton 
& Col. Burr in the late unfortunate affair that the following Document No. 13 in 
the statement which appeared in the Morning Chronicle of yesterday should be cor- 
rected in the following manner." 

(Second piece:) "In the interview between Genl Hamilton & Col. Burr, both 
parties agreeably to the word of command presented, this term should therefore be 
employed as more correct than the expression 'took aim' inserted in document 

No. 13 of the statement published in the Morning Chronicle of yesterday " 

There is also in Mr. Pendleton's handwriting a letter addressed to Mr. Van Ness, 
dated July 16, 1804, which evidently shows there had been some disagreement in 
regard to the matter of the publication. This letter is evidently a draft which was 
kept by Mr. Pendleton as his copy of the letter he sent; the original doubtless was 
copied out fairly in accoi dance with the corrections here shown and sent to Mr. 
Van Ness. The letter is as follows: 

"July 16, 1804. 
"J after one 
"Dear Sir 

"It will not be possible for me to see you in time to give you another opportunity 
of seeing the statement I before showed you, before it is printed, — as The arrange- 
to have it appear this day having reserving 
ments were so made that the Statement should appear reservedly a few lines of 

after 
until A the hour you mentioned; 
addition for your examination A as to which too we had before conversed. I have 

by you I offered from Gen H. 

added in explicit terms the reason assigned A for not receiving the last paper A — 

no as you seem to desire 

I could by A, means consent to omit the paper I read to you A as you must have 

particularly 
supposed it was deemed A a material subject by having been put into writing. I 

will 
trust you A find no reason to complain of any want of accuracy or precision in the 
publication I have authorised. 

"I am Sir, have the honor 

"to be Yr &c 
"Wm. P. Van Ness, Esq." 

The above memoranda were given to the writer by Francis K. Pendleton, Esq., 
a great-grandson of Nathaniel Pendleton. 



THE DUEL 



399 



regret, but without speaking, turned about and withdrew, 
being urged from the field by his friend, as has been sub- 
sequently stated, with a view to prevent his being recognized 
by the surgeon and bargemen, who were then approaching. 
No further communication took place between the principals, 
and the barge that carried Col. Burr immediately returned 
to the city. We conceive it proper to add that the conduct 
of the parties in this interview was perfectly proper as suited 
the occasion. 

William Coleman, of the Evening Post, gives his version as 
follows : ^ 

It was nearly seven in the morning when the boat which 
carried General Hamilton, his friend Mr. Pendleton, and 
the Surgeon mutually agreed on. Doctor Hosack, reached that 
part of the Jersey shore called the JVeahawk. There they 
found Mr. Burr and his friend Mr. Van Ness, who, as I am 
told, had been employed since their arrival, with coats off, 
in clearing away the bushes, limbs of trees, etc., so as to 
make a fair opening. The parties in a few moments were at 
their allotted situations. When Mr. Pendleton gave the 
word, Mr. Burr raised his arm slowly, deliberately took his 
aim, and fired. His ball entered General Hamilton's right 
side. As soon as the bullet struck him, he raised himself 
involuntarily on his toes, turned a little to the left (at which 
moment his pistol went off), and fell upon his face. Mr. 
Pendleton immediately called out for Dr. Hosack, who, in 
running to the spot, had to pass Mr. Van Ness and Col. Burr; 
but Van Ness had the cool precaution to cover his principal 
with an umbrella, so that Dr. Hosack should not be able to 
swear that he saw him on the field. ^ 

• This account, and much of what is to follow, is from "A Collection of the TF3tcts 
and Documents Relative to the Death of Major General Alexander Hamilton, 
with Comments Together with the Various Orations, Sermons, and Eulogies, etc.," 
by the editor of the New York Evening Post. New York, Hopkins & Seymour, 1S04. 

- The Federalist press, in July, 1804, teemed with stories more or less absurd in 
regard to the behavior of Burr. Some of these had, undoubtedly, a slight founda- 
tion, but most of them were preposterous. The Balance and Columbian Repository ' 
1 Vol. Ill, No. 33, p. 267, Tuesday, August 14, 1804. 



400 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

What passed after this the reader will have in the following 
letter from Dr. Hosack himself: 

Dr. David Hosack to William Coleman 

August 17th, 1804. 

Dear Sir: To comply with your request is a painful 
task; but I will repress my feelings while I endeavor to fur- 
nish you with an enumeration of such particulars relative to 
the melancholy end of our beloved friend Hamilton, as dwell 
most forcibly on my recollection. 

When called to him, upon his receiving the fatal wound, 
I found him half sitting on the ground, supported in the 
arms of Mr. Pendleton. His countenance of death I shall 
never forget. He had at that instant just strength to say, 
"This is a mortal wound. Doctor;" when he sunk away, 
and became to all appearance lifeless. I immediately 
stripped up his clothes, and soon, alas! ascertained that the 
direction of the ball must have been through some vital part.^ 

published an account of the accidental discharge of a pistol in the hand of "M. 
E. L. Schieffelin, Druggist, in Pearl Street," who was firing at a mark. The muzzle 
of the weapon was but twenty inches from his foot, yet when the ball struck the top 
of the foot near the ankle, a trivial wound only was made. This was explained by 
the fact that Mr. Schieffelin wore ribbed silk stockings, and- "not a thread of the 
stocking was broken " — the ball being forced into the foot and the stocking "made 
a sort of bag for it." The editor also refers to an English case when the presence 
of a silk handkerchief on the breast of a young woman saved her life when a pistol 
was accidentally discharged. The editor goes on to say: "The extract from the 
London paper above quoted in regard to the resistibility of silk appeared in the 
Morning Chronicle about ten days previous to the fatal interview. We know that 
Mr. Burr practised shooting at a mark, but wc are not sure the Morning Chronicle 
quotation was 'put' into his hands, and that he tried the experiment of shooting at 
silk in order to ascertain how he could best preserve himself from the ball of his 
illustrious victim in case he fired. Facts, however, warrant conjectures very un- 
favorable to Mr. Burr. After the challenge was accepted, Mr. Burr wrote a note to 
his tailor, Mr. Francis Davis, requesting that he would make him a silk coat (having 
already the undergarment of silk) by Monday evening, and adding that unless it 
was then brought home it would be of no use, as on Tuesday morning, hy four 
o'clock, he was to leave town ! Special directions were given to make the coat un- 
usually large. It was made according to order, and delivered to Mr. Burr on 
Monday evening. In this coat, which was black, he killed General Hamilton." 

' " For the satisfaction of some of General Hamilton's friends, I examined his 
body after death, in presence of Dr. Post and two other gentlemen. I discovered 
that the ball struck the second or third false rib, and fractured it about in the middle; 



THE DUEL 401 

His pulse was not to be felt; his respiration was entirely 
suspended; and upon laying my hand on his heart, and per- 
ceiving no motion there, I considered him as irrecoverably 
gone. I, however, observed to Mr. iPendleton, that the 
only chance for his reviving was immediately to get him upon 
the water. He therefore lifted him up, and carried him out of 
the wood, to the margin of the bank, where the bargemen 
aided us in conveying him into the boat, which immedi- 
ately put off. During all this time I could not discover the 
least symptom of returning life. I now rubbed his face, 
lips and temples, with spirits of hartshorne, applied it to his 
neck and breast, and to the wrists and palms of his hands, 
and endeavored to pour some into his mouth. When we 
had got, as I should judge, about 50 yards from the shore, 
some imperfect efforts to breathe were for the first time 
manifest; in a few minutes he sighed and became sensible 
to the impression of the hartshorne, or the fresh air of 
the water: He breathed; his eyes, hardly opened, wan- 
dered, without fixing on any objects; to our great joy he 
at length spoke: "My vision is indistinct," were his first 
words. 

His pulse became more perceptible; his respiration more 
regular; his sight returned. 

I then examined the wound to know if there was any 
dangerous discharge of blood; upon slightly pressing his 
side it gave him pain; on which I desisted. Soon after 
recovering his sight, he happened to cast his eye upon the 
case of pistols, and observing the one that he had had in his 
hand lying on the outside, he said, "Take care of that pistol; 
it is undischarged, and still cocked; it may go off and do 
harm; Pendleton knows, (attempting to turn his head 
towards him) that I did not intend to fire at him." "Yes," 

it then passed through the liver and diaphragm, and, as nearly as we could ascertain 
without a minute examination, lodged in the first or second lumbar vertebra. The 
vertebra in which it was lodged was considerably splintered, so that the spiculae were 
distinctly perceptible to the finger. About a pint of clotted blood was found in the 
cavity of the belly, which had probably been effused from the divided vessels of the 
liver." 



402 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

said Mr. Pendleton, understanding his wish, "I have already 
made Dr. Hosack acquainted with your determination as to 
that." He then closed his eyes and remained calm, without 
any disposition to speak; nor did he say much afterwards, 
excepting in reply to my questions as to his feehngs. He 
asked me once or twice, how I found his pulse; and he in- 
formed me that his lower extremities had lost all feeling; 
manifesting to me that he entertained no hopes that he should 
long survive. I changed the posture of his limbs, but to no 
purpose; they had totally lost their sensibihty. Perceiv- 
ing that we approached the shore, he said, "Let Mrs. Ham- 
ilton be immediately sent for — let the event be gradually 
broken to her; but give her hopes." Looking up we saw 
his friend Mr. Bayard standing on the wharf in great agita- 
tion. He had been told by his servant that Gen. Hamilton, 
Mr. Pendleton and myself had crossed the river in a boat 
together, and too well he conjectured the fatal errand, and 
foreboded the dreadful result. Perceiving, as we came 
nearer, that Mr. Pendleton & Myself only sat up in the 
stern sheets, he clasped his hands together in the most 
violent apprehensions; but when I called to him to have a 
cot prepared, and he at the same moment saw his poor 
friend lying in the bottom of the boat, he threw up his 
eyes and burst into a flood of tears and lamentation. 
Hamilton alone appeared tranquil and composed. He then 
conveyed him as tenderly as possible up to the house. The 
distresses of this amiable family were such that till the first 
shock was abated, they were scarcely able to summon for- 
titude enough to yield sufficient assistance to their dying 
friend. 

Upon our reaching the house he became more languid, 
occasioned probably by the agitation of his removal from the 
boat. I gave him a little weak wine and water. When he 
recovered his feelings, he complained of pain in his back; 
we immediately undressed him, laid him in bed, and dark- 
ened the room. I then gave him a large anodyne, which I 
frequently repeated. During the first day he took upwards 



THE DUEL 403 

of an ounce of laudanum; and tepid anodyne fomentations 
were also applied to those parts nearest the seat of his pain. 
Yet were his sufferings, during the whole of the day, almost 
intolerable/ I had not the shadow of a hope of his recovery, 
and Dr. Post, whom I requested might be sent for immedi- 
ately on our reaching Mr. Bayard's house, united with me in 
this opinion. General Rey, the French Consul, also had 
the goodness to invite the surgeons of the French frigates in 
our harbour, as they had had much experience in gunshot 
wounds, to render their assistance. They immediately 
came; but to prevent his being disturbed, I stated to them 
his situation, described the nature of his wound and the di- 
rection of the ball, with all the symptoms that could enable 
them to form an opinion as to the event. One of the gentle- 
men then accompanied me to the bedside. The result was 
a confirmation of the opinion that had already been ex- 
pressed by Dr. Post and myself. 

During the night, he had some imperfect sleep; but the 
succeeding morning his symptoms were aggravated, at- 
tended however with a diminution of pain. His mind re- 
tained all its usual strength and composure. The great 
source of his anxiety seemed to be in his sympathy with his 
half distracted wife and children. He spoke to her fre- 
quently of them. "My beloved wife and children" were 
always his expressions. But his fortitude triumphed over 
his situation, dreadful as it was; once, indeed, at the sight 
of his children brought to the bedside together, seven in 
number, his utterance forsook him, he opened his eyes, gave 
them one look, and closed them again, till they were taken 
away. As a proof of his extraordinary composure of mind, 
let me add, that he alone could calm the frantic grief of their 
mother, "Remember, my Eliza, you are a Christian,'' were the 
expressions with which he frequently, with a firm voice, but 
in a pathetic and impressive manner, addressed her. His 

• " As his habit was delicate and had been lately rendered more feeble by ill health, 
particularly by a disorder of the stomach and bowels, I carefully avoided all those 
remedies which are usually indicated on such occasions." 



404 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

words, and the tone in which they were uttered, will never 
be effaced from my memory. At about two o'clock, as the 
public well know, he expired. 

Incorrupta fides — nudaque Veritas 

Quando ullum invenient parem .? 

Multis ille quidem flebilis occidit. 

I am, Sir, 

Your friend & humble serv'* 

David Hosack. 

Wm. Coleman, Esq. 

The house where Hamilton died belonged, at the time, to 
his friend William Bayard, and was situated at 80-82 Jane 
Street, but has long since disappeared, having gone the way 
of all the old buildings of New York; when last described 
it was a squalid tenement. It stood near the corner of 
Greenwich Street, and the garden is said to have extended 
to the North River. Hamilton died in a large, square room 
on the second floor of the building. Burr was landed at the 
foot of Canal Street, and hurried to his home at Richmond 
Hill, which was at the present crossing of Varick and 
Charlton Streets. A courier was immediately despatched 
for Mrs. Hamilton, who was at the Grange, quite oblivious of 
all that had occurred, and she was able to get to her hus- 
band's bedside at noon. Before Mr. Hamilton died she 
was joined by her children, my father being a baby of two 
years, who was kissed by his father, who recognized them 
all. With Mrs. Hamilton was her sister Angelica, who 
wrote to her brother Philip at once as follows: 

At Mr. Bayard's, Greenwich. 

Wednesday Morning. 

My dear Brother: I have the painful task to inform 
you that Gen. Hamilton was this morning wounded by that 
wretch Burr, but we have every reason to hope that he will 



THE DUEL 405 

recover. May I advise that you repair immediately to my 
father, as perhaps he may wish to come down. 

My dear sister bears with saintlike fortitude this affliction. 
The town is in consternation, and there exists only the ex- 
pression of grief and indignation. 

Adieu, my dear brother 

Ever yours, ^ ^^^^^^^^ 

Oliver Wolcott, one of Hamilton's closest friends, who 
afterward did much to straighten out his affairs, wrote to his 
wife, both on the nth and 13th of July, leaving the bed- 
side of his dying friend for the purpose. 

Oliver Wolcott to Mrs. Wolcott 

I had prepared to set out to see you tomorrow morning, 
but an afflicting event has just occurred which renders it 
proper for me to postpone my journey a few days. This 
morning my friend Hamilton was wounded, and as is sup- 
posed mortally in a duel with Col°. Burr. The cause the 
old disagreement about Politicks. 

I have just returned from Mr. Wm. Bayards — where 
Hamilton is — I did not see him — he suffers great pain — which 
he endures like a Hero — Mrs. Hamilton is with him, but she 
is ignorant of the cause of his Illness, which she supposes to 
be spasms — no one dare tell her the truth — it is feared she 
would become frantic. 

Gen'' Hamilton has left his opinion, in writing, against 
Duelling, which he condemns as much as any man living — 
he determined not to return the fire of his adversary — and 
reasoned himself into a belief, that though the custom was in 
the highest degree criminal, yet there were peculiar reasons 
which rendered it proper for him, to expose himself to Col. 
Burr in particular. This instance of the derangement of 
intellect of a great mind, on a single point, has often been 
noticed as one of the most common yet unaccountable 
frailties of human nature. 



4o6 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



Gen^ Hamilton has of late years expressed his conviction 
of the truths of the Christian ReHgion, and has desired to 
receive the Sacrament — but no one of the Clergy who have 
yet been consulted will administer it.^ 

* This was an erroneous statement, as Bishop Moore not only administered the 
communion but remained with him until his death. Undoubtedly the reluctance 
upon the part of certain clergymen that Wolcott mentions arose from an extreme 
ecclesiastical narrowness and intolerance of duelling that existed in that day. Bishop 
Moore, in a letter to William Coleman, wrote: 

Yesterday morning, immediately after he was brought from Hoboken to the house 
of Mr. Bayard, at Greenwich, a message was sent informing me of the sad event, 
accompanied by a request from General Hamilton, that I would come to him for 
the purpose of administering the holy communion. I went; but being desirous to 
afford time for serious reflection, and conceiving that, under existing circumstances, 
it would be right and proper to avoid every appearance of precipitancy in perform- 
ing one of the most solemn offices of our religion, I did not then comply with his 
desire. At one o'clock I was again called on to visit him. Upon my entering the 
room and approaching his bed, with the utmost calmness and composure he said: 
"My dear sir, you perceive my unfortunate situation, and no doubt have been made 
acquainted with the circumstances which led to it. It is my desire to receive the 
communion at your hands. I hope you will not conceive there is any impropriety in 
my request." He added, "It has for some time past been the wish of my heart, 
and it was my intention to take an early opportunity of uniting myself to the Church, 
by the reception of that holy ordinance." I observed to him that he must be very 
sensible of the delicate and trying situation in which I was then placed; that however 
desirous I might be to afford consolation to a fellow-mortal in distress, still, it was 
my duty as a minister of the Gospel to hold up the law of God as paramount to 
all other law; and that, therefore, under the influence of such sentiments, I must un- 
equivocally condemn the practice which had brought him to his present unhappy 
condition. He acknowledged the propriety of these sentiments, and declared that 
he viewed the late transaction with sorrow and contrition. I then asked him, 
"Should it please God to restore you to health, sir, will you never be again engaged 
in a similar transaction ? And will you employ all your influence in society to dis- 
countenance this barbarous custom?" His answer was, "That, sir, is my delib- 
erate intention." 

I proceeded to converse with him on the subject of his receiving the communion; 
and told him that, with respect to the qualifications of those who wished to become 
partakers of that holy ordinance, my inquiries could not be made in language more 
expressive than that which was used by our Church: "Do you sincerely repent of 
your sins past? Have you a lively faith in God's mercy through Christ, with a 
thankful remembrance of the death of Christ? And are you disposed to live in 
love and charity with all men?" He lifted up his hands and said: "With the 
utmost sincerity of heart I can answer those questions in the affirmative. I have 
no ill-will against Colonel Burr. I met him with a fixed resolution to do him no 
harm. I forgive all that happened." I then observed to him that the terrors of 
Divine law were to be announced to the obdurate and impenitent, but that the con- 
solations of the Gospel were to be offered to the humble and contrite heart; that I 
had no reason to doubt his sincerity, and would proceed immediately to gratify his 
wishes. The communion was then administered, which he received with great de- 
votion, and his heart afterwards appeared to be perfectly at rest. I saw him again 
this morning, when, with his last faltering words, he expressed a strong confidence 
in the mercy of God through the intercession of the Redeemer. I remained with 
him until two o'clock this afternoon, when death closed the awful scene. He ex- 
pired without a struggle, and almost without a groan. 



THE DUEL 407 

Whilst there is life there is Hope, but that is all which can 
be said. Thus has perished one of the greatest men of this // 
or any age. I am as well as could be expected, considering 
how my mind is agitated by this event & I will come to you 
as soon as the issue is decided. 
Kiss the children and believe me 

Affectionately yours, 

Oliv. Wolcott. 

P. S. Hamilton spent the afternoon & evening of Monday 
with our friends at my House in Company with Mr. Hop- 
kinson of PhiK He was uncommonly cheerful and gay. 
The duel had been determined on for ten days. Monday 
was first proposed — it was then postponed till Tuesday — & 
took effect this Morning. Judge Pendleton was his second. 

If Mr. King is at Litchfield tell him I have written to him 
at Hartford. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Wolcott 
Litchfield, 
Connecticut. 

And again: 

Oliver Wolcott to Mrs. Wolcott 

Yesterday Gen' Hamilton expired in the midst of his 
family, who are agonized beyond description. No person 
who witnessed their distress will ever be induced to fight a 
duel — unless he is a person wholly insensible to every senti- 
ment of humanity. 

Nothing can present a more humiliating idea of the im- 
perfection of human nature, than the scene we have witnessed. 
A man of the first endowments of mind, the most strict 
probity, the greatest sincerity, and the most tender attach- 
ments, has for a considerable time been deliberately settling 
his affairs, in contemplation of the event which has hap- 
pened, as one highly probable — he has left his family in per- 
fect health, as if proceeding on ordinary business & with 
the same deliberation has rec'^ a mortal wound — thus proving 



4o8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

his respect for justice in comparatively small matters, & at 
the same time disregarding its obligations on points of the 
first importance. This inconsistency has moreover hap- 
pened in compliance with a custom, vs^hich he deemed wholly 
immoral & indefensible, by which he had lost a darling son, 
in the prime of life, and with which he had resolved never to 
comply, except in respect to the disposal of his own existence. 
The defence of all this conduct, is, that there was a chance 
for an Escape, & that it would be wrong to torture his family 
with unnecessary anxiety. This excuse is weak & unsatis- 
factory, & it proves, that on certain points, the most en- 
lightened men are governed by the most unsound reasons. 

Tomorrow the funeral will be attended, & I have sup- 
posed, that you would think it my duty to be present. 

I feel the most sincere regret at the delay & more so, as I 
am concerned to hear that you are unwell. I will come the 
next stage at all events. Give my love to Mary, the Children 
& my Brothers family, & be assured of the attachment of y" 

Oliv. Wolcott. 



The pistols which were used figured in more than one 
affair of honor. With them John Barker Church, it is said, 
met Aaron Burr, the challenge following some scandal aris- 
ing from a report that the Holland Land Company had can- 
celled a note held by the latter in consideration of legislative 
services rendered by him. Little is known of this duel, 
which is said to have been also fought at Weehawken Sept. 2, 
1799, but it is only a tradition in the Church family. They 
are also said to have been used by young Philip Hamilton in 
his encounter with Eacker, his cousin Philip Church, a son 
of John Barker Church, being his second. It is also stated 
that they were used in a duel between James Wadsworth of 
Geneseo and a Colonel Kane of Philadelphia when Philip 
Church was Wadsworth's second, but I am unable to confirm 
this. 




Pi 

fq 
Q 

<: 

o 

H 
h-1 



THE DUEL 409 

The pistols were restored to their owner, John Barker 
Church, by Mr. Pendleton after the duel, and were inherited 
by his grandson, Richard Church, Esq., to whom they now 
belong. They are of English make, and bear the name 
WoGDEN. The barrels are nine inches long and of admira- 
ble workmanship. They were purchased by Mr. Church 
in London, in 1795 or 1796, and used by him in an EngHsh 
duel.^ 

Coleman's " Collections," and the newspapers of the day, 
were full of accounts of the funeral, which attracted much 
attention. The procession started from Mr. Church's house 
in Robinson Street, at eleven o'clock in the morning, and 
was composed of the Society of the Cincinnati, the Sixth 
Regiment of militia, the gentlemen of the bar, the Lieuten- 
ant-Governor of the State, the corporation of the city of New 
York, the foreign consular agents, army and navy officers 
of the United States, as well as of the foreign services who 
were in New York, the Chamber of Commerce and officers 
of the various banks, the port wardens and masters of 
vessels in the harbor, the president, professors, and students 
of Columbia College in mourning gowns, the St. Andrews, 
Tammany, Mechanics, and Marine societies, and a large 
number of people who followed the coffin through Beek- 
man, Pearl, and Whitehall Streets, up Broadway to Trinity 
Church. 

On top of the coffin was General Hamilton's hat and 
sword, and his boots and spurs were reversed across the 
horse, which was a gray one. It was dressed in mourning, 
and led by two negro servants in white, with white turbans 
trimmed with black. 

' There are numerous other pistols in existence that are said to have been those 
used by Hamilton, but none are genuine. The writer has frequently been ap- 
proached by venders who have produced "documentary proof," but investigation 
has shown this to be valueless. 



410 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

During the procession there was a regular discharge of 
minute guns from the Battery, by a detachment from the 
regiment of artillery, and the different merchant vessels in 
the harbor wore their colors half-mast. 

The British ship of war Boston, Captain Douglass, at an- 
chor within the Hook, appeared in mourning during the 
morning, and at ten o'clock commenced firing minute guns, 
which were continued for nearly an hour. The British pack- 
et, Lord Charles Spencer, Captain Cotesworth, also was in 
mourning, and fired an equal number of guns. The French 
frigates Cyhelle and Didon were also in full mourning, with 
yards peaked, and fired minute guns during the procession. 

The family at Albany were naturally thrown into a con- 
dition of great distress and anxiety, and General Schuyler 
wrote at once to his daughter: 

Philip Schuyler to Elizabeth Hamilton 

Monday Morning, 13 July, 1804. 

My Dear Dearly Beloved and Affectionate Child: 
This morning Mr. Church's letter has announced to me the 
severe affliction which it has pleased the Supreme being to 
inflict on you on me and on all dear to us. If aught under 
heaven could aggravate the affliction I experience, it is that 
incapable of moving or being removed I cannot fly to you 
to pour the balm of comfort into your afflicted bosom, to 
water it with my tears, to solace yours and mine in this de- 
pressing situation. Under the pressure of this most severe 
calamity let us seek consolation from that source where it can 
only be truly found, in humble resignation to the will of 
heaven. Oh my Dearly Beloved Child let us unanimously 
entreat the Supreme being to give you fortitude to support the 
affliction, to preserve you to me, to your dear children and 
relations. Should it please God so far to restore my strength 
as to enable me to go to you, I shall embrace the first mo- 
ment to do it, but should it be otherwise, I entreat you my 
beloved Child to come home as soon as you possibly can, 




GENERAL PHILIP SCHUYLER 

From the painting by John Trumbull, 1792 



THE DUEL 411 

with my dear Grandchildren. Your sisters will accompany 
you. May Almighty God bless and protect you and pour 
the balm of consolation into your distressed soul is and will 
always be the prayer of 

Your affectionate and distressed parent. 
Mrs. Hamilton. P"' Schuyler. 

And again, on Tuesday, 17th July, 1804, to Mrs. Church, 
who was with her sister: 

The dreadful calamity my Dearly Beloved Child which 
we have all sustained affected me so deeply as to threaten 
serious results, but when I received the account of his. 
Christian resignation my afflicted soul was much tran- 
quillized. Oh may heaven indulgently extend fortitude to 
my afflicted, my distressed, my beloved Eliza. I trust that 
the Supreme being will prolong my life that I may discharge 
the duties of a father to my dear child and her dear children. 
My wounds bear a favorable aspect, and the paroxisms of the 
gout have not been severe for the past two days, and yester- 
day I was able to sit up all day. God grant that my recov- 
ery may be accelerated, to enable me to go to New York 
and embrace my distressed children. Should however my 
restoration be retarded, I wish to see you all here. The 
change of scene may perhaps tend to soothe my distressed 
Eliza and her children. She knows how tenderly I loved 
My Dear Hamilton, how tenderly I love her and her children. 
Much I feel all the duties which are devolved on me. The 
evening of my days will be passed in the pleasing occupa- 
tion of administering comfort and relief to a Child and 
Grand-Children so highly entitled to my best exertions. 

My Kitty is most deeply affected. Her tears have flowed 
incessantly. She begins to be more composed, and unites 
with me in love to your distressed Sister and all so dear to us. 

I do not write to day to my Eliza lest it should create a fresh 
paroxism of grief. May she become calm. Her piety will I 
trust sustain her and her life be preserved that her parent, her 
children and relations may not sustain an additional calamity. 



412 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Your Brother Philip was on his way home and missed 
my letter. He is now here and sets out immediately for 
New York. 

Excuse me to Mr. Church for not writing him today. 
Adieu my Dearly beloved Child. May God bless and pre- 
serve you all is the constant prayer of your 

Afflicted parent 

Ph. Schuyler. 
Mrs. Church. 

Fail not my Beloved to let me daily know the state of your 
afflicted sister. My anxiety on her account rends my heart. 

In the following November her father again wrote: 

"What your afflictions my dear dearly beloved child have 
added to mine, was the natural result of a parent's tender- 
ness for a dutiful and affectionate child, as he invariably 
experienced from you." This was the last letter he wrote 
the bereaved widow, for he died a short time after. 

The public excitement was great indeed, and all classes 
turned out to do Hamilton honor; even the most rabid 
political enemies were silent for a time, and some of them 
grudgingly admitted his worth. Coleman, who had pre- 
' served and published all the comments of the press of the 
day, also reproduced the funeral and other orations. Gou- 
verneur Morris, Eliphalet Nott, and Harrison G. Otis deliv- 
ered eulogies, and the sermon of Nott is one of the most elo- 
quent and forceful examples of rhetoric. Even the vitu- 
perative American Citizen^ that had bitterly assailed Hamil- 
ton during his life, now praised him, and the editor said: 
"Death has swallowed up in victory, cruel and fatal victory, 
the narrow isthmus that separated from this great luminary, 
those with whom I act." 

In fact, all newspapers of both parties united in honoring 
his memory. Poets of both sexes contributed verse to the 



THE DUEL 413 

daily press, some of considerable excellence, but not a 
little of the turgid kind of the period; all however were 
sincere. 

His will was made two days before he died, and is as 
follows: 

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

In the name of God, Amen! 

I, Alexander Hamilton, of the State of New York, counsellor at 
law, do make this my last will and testament, as follows: 

First: I appoint John B. Church, Nicholas Fish, and Nathaniel 
Pendleton, of the city aforesaid, esquires, to be executors and trus- 
tees of this my will, and I devise to them, their heirs and assigns, as 
joint tenants, and hot tenants in common, all my estate, real and per- 
sonal, whatsoever and wheresoever upon trust, at their discretion 
to sell and dispose of the same at such time and times, in such man- 
ner, and upon such terms, as they the survivors and survivor shall 
think fit, and out of the proceeds to pay all the debts which I shall 
owe at the time of my decease, in whole, if the fund shall be suffi- 
cient, proportionally, if it shall be insufficient, and the residue, if any 
there shall be, to pay and deliver to my excellent and dear wife, 
Elizabeth Hamilton. 

Though, if it please God to spare my life, I may look for a con- 
siderable surplus out of my present property; yet if he should 
speedily call me to the eternal world, a forced sale, as is usual, may 
possibly render it insufficient to satisfy my debts. I pray God that 
something may remain for the maintenance and education of my 
dear wife and children. But should it on the contrary happen that 
there is not enough for the payment of my debts, I entreat my dear 
children, if they or any of them shall ever be able, to make up the 
deficiency. I without hesitation commit to their delicacy a wish 
which is dictated by my own. Though conscious that I have too 
far sacrificed the interest of my family to public avocations, and on 
this account have the less claim to burthen my children, yet I trust 
in their magnanimity to appreciate, as they ought, this my request. 
In so unfavorable an event of things, the support of their dear 
mother, with the most respectful and tender attention, is a duty all 
the sacredness of which they will feel. Probably her own patri- 
monial resources will preserve her from indigence. But in all situa- 
tions they are charged to bear in mind that she has been to them the 



414 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

most devoted and best of mothers. In testimony whereof, I have 
hereunto subscribed my hand, the ninth day of July, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four. 

Alexander Hamilton. 

Signed, sealed, published, and as and for his last will and testament 
in our presence, who have subscribed our names in his presence. 

DoMiNicK T. Blake 
Graham Newell 
Inez B. Valleau. 

Though Hamilton at the time of his death had a large 
legal practice, his old obligations and the demands upon his 
purse were very great. The Grange, which he had just built, 
was an expensive place, and the outlay for its completion was 
considerable. From his account books, which were kept to 
July II, 1804, the day before his death, it appears that his 
expenditure for the preceding six months was ;^i 1,840.27. 
The outstanding indebtedness of his clients was only 
;^2,5io,^ and the list of debts assigned to J. B. Church by 
the deed of July 9, 1804, was ;^ 1,940. This deed, which has 
never been published, is an indication of his business pre- 
cision and system, and was executed but two days before 
he was killed. Not many men, under these circumstances, 
would even remember their laundress. 

New York, July g, 1804. 

Know all Men by these Presents, That I, Alexander Hamilton, 
of the City of New York, Counsellor at law, in consideration of one 
Dollar to me in hand paid by John B. Church, Esquire, (the receipt 
whereof is hereby acknowledged) have bargained, sold, assigned 
and conveyed, and hereby do bargain, sell, assign and convey to 
the said John B. Church all and singular the debts due owing and 
payable to me; which are specified in the schedule hereunto annexed 
to be by him collected and the proceeds applied first toward the pay- 
ment of all and every the debt and debts which I owe to my house- 
hold and other servants and labourers and to the woman who washes 

' See Appendix I. 



r^ 






t 



5 X'^r: X^::1?^/— - ::;4:^ 














^^^^^^^4' yi-^^^ 







'^■W 







'y^^tJ:^^/ 







FAC-SIMILE OF POWER OF ATTORNEY 



THE DUEL 415 

for Mrs. Hamilton, and secondly towards the satisfaction and dis- 
charge of certain accommodation notes made by me and endorsed by 
him and which have been or shall be discounted in and by the Man- 
hattan Bank and the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of 
the United States in the City of New York. And for this purpose 
I do hereby constitute and appoint him by Attorney to ask, demand, 
sue for recover and receive the said debts and every of them and 
upon receipt thereof or any part thereof to make and give acquit- 
tances. In Witness whereof I have hereunto subscribed and set my 
hand and seal the ninth day of July in the year of our Lord One 
thousand Eight Hundred and four. 

A. Hamilton. 
Dated and delivered in presence 
of 

Nath'. Pendleton. 

Dominick T. Blake, Esq"^® is authorized to collect the 
amount of different Debts due to the deceased General Ham- 
ilton assigned to me by him by a Deed dated the 9th Instant. 

J. B. Church. 

The wretched condition of Hamilton's affairs now became 
a matter of solicitude to his friends, and on July 16, 1804, 
just three days after his death, Wolcott wrote to James 
McHenry : ' 

Oliver Wolcott to James McHenry 

My dear Sir: I have reed, your favor of the 14th; The 
afflicting event you anticipated has occurred: Hamilton is 
no more: I will not attempt to describe my feelings: you 
will learn all the circumstances & the last acts of his life will 
elevate the character of our late Friend, though they must 
produce conflict of emotions, to which your bosom has been 
a stranger. 

Genl. Hamilton left a will in which all his property real and 
personal is vested in Trustees for the payment of his Debts: 
This property consists almost entirely of real estates, chiefly 

^ McHeniy's "Life," p. 530. 



4i6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

new Lands/ and a valuable Country Establishment nine Miles 
from this City: This property cost about 80,000 Dollars^ & 
owed about 55,000 Dollars — the Lands are rising in value 
but wholly unproductive of Revenue; he was apprehensive 
^ I believe justly, that a forced Sale, would leave nothing 
for his family & perhaps not even produce enough to pay 
his debts: A number of Gentlemen here have resolved to 
raise a Fund among the Friends of the deed, for the payment 
of these debts & to provide for the Children. The design 
is, that number of Gentlemen of easy Fortunes, shall, 
without much eclat & publicity, subscribe what may be 
sufficient. I have been desired to make this intention known, 
to a select number of Friends and before I reed, your Letter 
had determined to address you & Mr. Gilmore, leaving it 
to your judgment to whom the communication ought to be 
made in Baltimore & not doubting your disposition to co- 
operate. 

I am Dr Sir, with high Esteem 
& sincere affection, yr. friend 

Oliv. Wolcott. 

From New York on August 2, 1904, Wolcott again wrote :^ 

Oliver Wolcott to James McHenry 

My Dear Sir: I addressed you a hasty Letter the i6th. 
ultimo, at the request of several Gentlemen of this City, who 
have proposed to raise by contribution, a pecuniary Aid for 
the family of our departed Friend Genl, Hamilton. Under- 
standing that doubts have existed in Philadelphia, whether 
this proposal did not originate without the knowledge of the 
Connections of the Family and might, therefore, offend the 
sensibility of those it was intended to benefit, I have found it 
necessary to make certain explanations known there, which 
I presume will be fully satisfactory. It being possible that 

' Principally in the Ohio Company's territory, and other parts of the then Far 
West. 
^ Probably an overestimate. ^ Op. cit., p. 531. 



THE DUEL 417 

similar impressions have been entertained at Baltimore, 
I must take the Hberty to address you again on this Subject. 

The property left by Genl. Hamilton, consists almost en- 
tirely of new Lands and a Country Seat Nine Miles from this 
City. The whole valued by himself at about 80,000 Dollars. 
The debts are chiefly Notes discounted at the Banks & 
Monies borrowed on Mortgage amounting to about 55,000 
Dollars. The difference is ;{^io,ooo New York Currency. 

This brief Statement will enable you fully to under- 
stand the enclosed Paper, which is a copy of one left by Genl. 
Hamilton & which is now entrusted to you, on the condition 
expressed in Mr. Pendelton's Letter to me. There is no 
doubt, that the anticipations of our Friend, respecting the 
consequences of forced Sales to raise Money to discharge 
;^55,000 in debts, would be verified. All the property would 
be sacrificed & his Children deprived of every Memorial of 
the labour of their illustrious Parent, except his reputation. 

Mr. Govr. Morris, Genl. Clarkson, Mr. Gracie, Mr. 
Bayard &c &c have consulted on this Subject & their joint 
opinion is, that it is in every Respect, fit, proper, & 
necessary, that a number of Gentlemen of Fortune, should 
come forw^ard & pay these debts & provide handsomely 
for the family. A sum of 100,000 Dollars is the amount 
proposed. 

It would be an Error to consider Genl. Hamilton's Family, 
as objects of public Charity, but though this is not their 
Situation, it is certain that they might reasonably expect ad- 
vancement in Life, from the exertions of our departed 
Friend. These hopes must, however, be totally disappointed, 
unless the proposed aid is obtained. It is true that the pro- 
vision ought in justice to be made by Congress, or by the 
State of New York, but no person acquainted with the pres- 
ent State of public affairs, will place the least reliance on 
this resource. Instances of similar benefactions in antient& 
modern times must be familiar to your mind & it is certain 
that they have always been considered equally honourable 
to the Receivers & Givers. The suggestion that the Family 
would be offended by such proof of the Gratitude & At- 



4i8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

tachment of the respectable part of the Community, is here 
well understood to be unfounded. 

The mode of giving Effect to the proposed design has been 
considered & it is supposed that a medium course between 
the ostentation of a public indiscriminate subscription, & 
the secresy of private donation would render the provision 
most munificent & of course most honourable for all Parties 
concerned. All that is proposed may be easily affected 
without any sensible burthen & when the enclosed document 
is perused & it is considered how greatly the men of Prop- 
erty are indebted to the labours of General Hamilton, they 
must doubtless be affected by his declaration, that those 
'' labours have amounted to absolute sacrifice of the Interests 
of his Family. '' 

Not doubting your disposition to exert your influence in 
giving effect to the benevolent object of this letter, I remain, 
Dr Sir, with sincere Esteem 
& true Attachment 
yrs 

Oliv. Wolcott. 

Hamilton's interest in the Ohio Company was not, really, 
very valuable, as it turned out, and consisted of five shares 
conveyed by Rufus Putnam, Manasseh Cutler, Robert 
Oliver, and Grifhn Green, directors of the Ohio Company, 
May 14, 1792. As the result of Wolcott's efforts, an inden- 
ture entered into April 25, 1806, between Gouverneur Morris, 
Rufus King, Egbert Benson, Oliver Wolcott, and Charles 
Wilkes, conveys this land to William Dean and John Lovett 
for the sum of one dollar, and it is evident difficulty was 
found in selling it.^ 

Hamilton himself calculated, some time before his death, 
that his property stood him in about ten thousand pounds, 
and the surplus beyond his debts was double that sum if all 
of it could be sold to advantage. Yet he doubted if a forced 

' Appendix J. 



THE DUEL 419 

sale were made if it would be sufficient to meet them. He 
thought that his holdings should bring him an annual in- 
come of at least twelve thousand dollars/ 

My expenses while the first improvements of my country 
establishment were going on have been great, but they would 
this summer and fall reach the point at which it is my in- 
tention they should stop, at least till I should be better able 
than at present to add to them; and after a fair examination 
founded upon an actual account of my expenditures, I am 
persuaded that a plan I have contemplated for the next and 
succeeding years would bring my expenses of every kind 
within the compass of four thousand dollars yearly, exclu- 
sive of the interest of my country establishment. To this 
limit I have been resolved to reduce them, even though it 
should be necessary to lease that establishment for a few 
years. In the meantime, my lands now in a course of sale 
and settlement would accelerate the extinguishment of my 
debts, and in the end leave me a handsome clear property. 
It was also allowable for me to take into view collaterally the 
expectations of my wife; which have been of late partly re- 
alized. She is now entitled to a property of between 2,000 
and 3,000 pounds (as I compute), by descent from her 
mother, and her father is understood to possess a large es- 
tate. I feel all the delicacy of this allusion, but the oc- 
casion, I trust will plead my excuses, and that venerable 
father, I am sure, will pardon. He knows well all the nicety 
of my past conduct. 

Viewing the matter in these different aspects, I trust the 
opinion of candid men will be that there has been no im- 
propriety in my conduct, especially when it is taken into the 
calculation, that my country establishment, though costly, 
promises, by the progressive rise of property on this island 
the felicity of its situation, to become more and more valu- 
able. My chief apology is to those friends who have from 
mere kindness endorsed my paper discounted at the banks. 
On mature reflection I have thought it justifiable to secure 

* Lodge's "Hamilton," vol. VIII, p. 630 et seq. 



420 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

them in preference to other creditors, lest perchance there 
should be a deficit. Yet, while this may save them from 
eventual loss, it will not exempt from present inconvenience. 
As to this I can only throw myself upon their kindness and 
entreat the indulgence of the banks for them. Perhaps the 
request may be supposed entitled to some regard. In the 
event which would bring this paper to the public eye, one 
thing at least would be put beyond doubt. This is that my 
public labors have amounted to an absolute sacrifice of the 
interests of my family, and that in all pecuniary concerns 
the delicacy no less than the probity of conduct in public sta- 
tions has been such as to defy even the shadow of a question. 
Indeed, I have not enjoyed the ordinary advantages inci- 
dent to my military services. Being a member of Congress 
while the question of the commutation of the half pay of the 
army for a sum in gross was in debate, delicacy and a desire 
to be useful to the army by removing the idea of my having 
an interest in the question, induced me to write to the Sec- 
retary of War and relinquish my claim to half pay, which or 
the equivalent I have never received. Neither have I even 
applied for the lands allowed by the United States to ofl'icers 
of my rank. Nor did I ever obtain from this State the al- 
lowance of lands made to officers of similar rank. It is true 
that having served through the latter periods of the war on the 
general staff of the United States and not in the line of this 
State I could not claim the allowance as a matter of course; 
but having before the war resided in this State, and having 
entered the military career at the head of a company of 
artillery raised for the particular defense of this State, I had 
better pretensions to the allowance than others to whom it 
was actually made, yet it has not been extended to me. 

A. H. 

After Hamilton's death a law was passed by Congress, in 
1816, giving his widow back pay and she received about 
ten thousand dollars.^ Among his papers was found a small 

* The following case stated by the auditor is submitted by the Secretary of the 
Treasury to the Attorney-General for an opinion: "Alexander Hamilton was a 



THE DUEL 421 

land allotment of a quarter section for which he had never 
applied. It is a matter of fact that many of his expenses in- 
curred in the equipment of his company of artillery, and his 
visits to Annapolis to attend the meetings of the Constitu- 
tional Conventions, and other places, were unpaid by the 
government. 

In 1 8 10 Mrs. Hamilton heard from her sister, Mrs. 
Church, who said, "we had the pleasure to hear that you 
were safe arrived at Philadelphia, and your letter of yester- 
day from Washington removed all apprehensions; if any- 
thing is to be done, your presence is better than twenty agents 
and I sincerely hope that for your case and for the honor of 

Lieut. Colonel in the Army of the Revolutionary War but is understood to have 
retired from service towards the close of the year, 1781, and in the month of 
November, 17S2, took his seat in Congress as a member from the State of New 
York. Does the act for the relief of Elizabeth Hamilton, widow of Alexander 
Hamilton, passed on the 29th of April, 1816, place her on an equal footing with 
the officers entitled to Commutations under the Resolution of Congress of March, 
1783, or, in other words, does the spirit and true meaning of the said act require 
that interest be allowed for the five years' full pay therein granted?" 

Richard Rush, who was Attorney-General June 29, 1816, replied: "I think it 
does. I am given to understand that it has not been the practice in the accounting 
offices of the Treasury Department to allow Interest upon an account directed 
to be settled or paid by an act of Congress, unless there be in the act itself special 
words to that effect. This rule, taken as a general one, it is not my part to con- 
trovert, nor is it supposed that the above opinion will imply any contradiction. I 
grant it on the peculiar words of the act of April 29, 1816, which, taken in connection 
with the Resolution of March 22, 1783, appears to me in full consideration to con- 
firm the construction that it was the intention of Congress, not merely to make 
an independent grant to Elizabeth Hamilton, but to place her upon a footing of equal 
advantage in all respects with the officers entitled to commutation under that Reso- 
lution." 

"The consequence will be that as was the case with the officers themselves (none 
of whom it is believed received the amount in money.) She, too, will be entitled to 
interest at 6 per centum, the rate specified in the Resolution." 
Mrs. Hamilton therefore received five years' full pay for the services of 
her husband as lieutenant-colonel in the Revolutionary War, being 
the commutation of his half-pay for life allowed by the act of the 

29th of April, 1816, at 60 dollars per month $3,600. 

To interest on the above from the i6th of November, 1783, when the 
commutation became payable until the day, say April 29, 1816, 
the date of the act at 6 per cent, per annum, 32 years, 165 days . 7,009.64 

$10,609.64 



422 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

my native country, a liberal allowance will be made." The 
sum allowed enabled her to provide in measure for the sup- 
port and education of her growing family, the property left 
by her father having been greatly depleted. 

Burr's indifference regarding the duel seems to have im- 
pressed so biassed a biographer as Parton, who ventures the 
opinion that he did not hiow what he had done.^ As has 
been stated, when Burr landed in New York on the morning 
of July II, he proceeded to his home, and was there found 
by one of his young relations who had just come from Con- 
necticut to visit him. When shown into the library he 
found Burr. The latter was engaged in his "usual avoca- 
tions," and showed no indication of what had occurred an 
hour or two previously. He was, in every respect, as usual, 
and did not manifest in his "manner or conversation any 
concern." The guest was surprised, when he left the house 
and went to another part of the city, to find all the existing 
excitement and to learn, for the first time, that Hamilton 
had been killed by his imperturbable cousin. 

Burr himself was hardly prepared for the attitude of the 
public, for, secure in his office as Vice-President, which he 
had gained after discomfiting the very man he had shot, he 
felt he was more popular than the departed Hamilton, who, 
after all, in his opinion, was only a dead Federalist. 

Even Burr's own friends were shocked and horrified, and 
John Adams is reported to have said, "No one wished to get 
rid of Hamilton in that way." Two days afterward Burr 
wrote to Alston, his son-in-law: "General Hamilton died 
yesterday. The malignant Federalists or Tories, and the 
embittered Clintonians, unite in endeavoring to excite public 
sympathy in his favor, and indignation against his antagonist. 
... I propose leaving town for a few days, and meditate 

* "The Life of Aaron Burr," by John Parton, vol. II, p. 13. Boston, 1882. 



THE DUEL 423 

also a journey of some weeks, but whither is not resolved. 
. . . Our most unprincipled Jacobins are the loudest in their 
lamentations for the death of General Hamilton, whom, for 
many years, they have uniformly represented as the most 
detestable and unprincipled of men — the motives are ob- 
vious. Every sort of persecution is to be exercised against 
me. A Coroner's jury will sit this evening, being the fourth 
time. The object of this unexampled measure is to obtain 
an inquest of murder. Upon this a warrant will be issued 
to apprehend me, and if I should be taken, no bail would 
probably be allowed. You know enough of the temper and 
principle of the generality of the officers of our State Gov- 
ernment to form a judgment of my position." He also com- 
plained that the statement of his second. Van Ness, had not 
been shown him, and intimated that the publication in the 
Morning Chronicle was garbled, and "several circumstances 
not very favorable to the deceased are suppressed — I pre- 
sume for holy reverence for the dead." 

So bitter and excited were the feelings of every one that he 
did not leave Richmond Hill for eleven days. Meanwhile 
it was suggested that Bishop Moore and Dr. Mason or Dr. 
Hosack should give the needed testimony, and the coroner's 
jury brought in a true bill.^ 

City and County of New York, ss. : 

An Inquisition indented, taken for the People of the State of New 
York at the Third Ward of the City of New York, the thirteenth day 
of July, in the year of Our Lord One thousand eight hundred and four, 
and contained by adjournment until the second day of August in the 
year aforesaid, before me, John Burger, Coroner for the said City 
and County of New York, on view of the body of Alexander Hamilton, 
then and there to wit, on the said thirteenth day of July, in the year 

' Matthew L. Davis, a merchant of 49 Stone Street, one of Burr's devoted 
friends, went to Weehawken and saw the duel but would not testify when sum- 
moned by the Coroner. He it was who subsequently published Burr's Journal. 



424 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

last aforesaid, at the Ward, City and County aforesaid, lying dead. 
Upon the oath of Alexander Anderson, George Minuse, John A. 
Hardenbrook, Peter Bonnett, Elam Williams, John Coffin, John 
Mildeberger, David A. Brown, David Lydig, Abraham Bloodgood, 
Samuel Cummings, Amos Curtis, Isaac Burr, Benjamin Strong and 
John D. Miller, good and lawful men of the said City and County of 
New York, duly chosen, and who being then and there duly sworn 
and charged to inquire for the People of the State of New York, 
when, where and by what means the said Alexander Hamilton came 
to his death, do, upon their oath, say that Aaron Burr, late of the 
Eighth Ward of the said City, in the said County, Esquire, and Vice- 
President of the United States, not having the fear of God before 
his eyes, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the devil, 
on the eleventh day of July, in the year last aforesaid, with force and 
arms, in the County of Bergen and State of New Jersey, in and upon 
the said Alexander Hamilton, in the peace of God and of the People 
of the said State of New Jersey, then and there being feloniously, wil- 
fully and of his malice aforethought, did make an assault and that 
the said Aaron Burr a certain pistol of the value of One Dollar 
charged and loaded with gun-powder and a leaden bullet which he, 
the said Aaron Burr, then and there had held in his right hand, 
to, at and against the right side of the belly of the said Alexander 
Hamilton, did then and there shoot off and discharge, by means 
whereof he, the said Aaron Burr, feloniously wilfully and of malice 
aforethought did then and there give unto him, the said Alexander 
Hamilton, with the leaden bullet aforesaid, so as aforesaid, shot off 
and discharged out of the pistol aforesaid by the force of the gun- 
powder aforesaid, upon the right side of the belly of him, the said 
Alexander Hamilton, a little above the hip, one mortal wound pene- 
trating the belly of him, the said Alexander Hamilton, of which said 
mortal wound he, the said Alexander Hamilton, from the said 
eleventh day of July, in the year aforesaid, until the twelfth day of 
July in the same year, as well in the County of Bergen in the State of 
New Jersey aforesaid, as also at the Eighth Ward of the City of New 
York, in the County of New York aforesaid, did languish and lan- 
guishing did live, on which twelfth day of July in the said year the 
said Alexander Hamilton, at the said Eighth Ward of the said City 
in the said County of New York, of the mortal wound aforesaid died, 
and the Jurors aforesaid, on their oath aforesaid, do further say 
that William P. Van Ness, late of the First Ward of the City of New 
York, in the County of New York aforesaid, attorney at law, and 
Nathaniel Pendleton, late of the same place, counsellor at law at 



THE DUEL 425 

the time of committing the felony and murder aforesaid, feloniously, 
wilfully and of their malice aforethought were present, abetting, 
aiding, assisting, comforting and maintaining the said Aaron Burr 
to kill and murder the said Alexander Hamilton in manner aforesaid. 

And so the Jurors aforesaid, upon their oath aforesaid, do say 
the said Aaron Burr, and the said William P. Van Ness and Na- 
thaniel Pendleton, him, the said Alexander Hamilton, in manner 
and by the means aforesaid, feloniously, wilfully and of their malice 
aforethought, did kill and murder against the peace of the People 
of the State of New York and their dignity. 

In Witness Whereof, as well the aforesaid Coroner as the Jurors 
aforesaid, have to this Inquisition put their seals on the second day 
of August, and in the year One thousand eight hundred and four and 
at the place aforesaid. 

John Burger, Coroner, l.s. 

Alexr. Anderson. l.s. 

Geo. Minuse. l.s. 
John A. Hardenbrook. l.s. 

Peter Bonnett. l.s. 

Elam Williams. l.s. 

John Coffin. l.s. 

John Mildeberger. l.s. 

David Brown. l.s. 

David Lydig. l.s. 

Abm. Bloodgood. l.s. 

Samuel Cummings. l.s. 

Amos Curtis. l.s. 

Isaac Burr. l.s. 

B. M. Strong. l.s. 

J. D. Miller. l.s. 

At the end of eleven days Burr v^as spirited away by his 
intimate and faithful friend, John Swartout, and embarked 
Saturday night, July 21, in a barge. After an all-night's 
row they reached the house of Commodore Truxton at Perth 
Amboy. Here he stayed until the following Monday, when 
he again pushed southward, reaching Philadelphia, finding 
refuge at the house of A. J. Dallas, another old friend who, 
it will be remembered, was so prominent in welcoming Genet. 



426 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

When he heard of the finding of the coroner's jury, it was 
on August 2, and he knew that warrants had been issued 
for his arrest and that of Pendleton and Van Ness. 

Fearing extradition he left Philadelphia and, accompanied 
by Samuel Swartout and a faithful slave, he fled to St. 
Simon's Island on the Georgia coast, where Major Pierce 
Butler had an estate. His stay at Philadelphia, it is re- 
ported, was enlivened by a pleasant renewal of a flirtation 
with one Celeste, who was an old flame, and it was only 
because fearful of apprehension that he reluctantly sought a 
more secure hiding-place. After a visit paid to his daughter 
Theodosia, in South Carolina, which was undertaken after 
great exposure and hardship, he having travelled four hun- 
dred miles in an open boat, and feeling sure that the excite- 
ment had blown over, he proceeded to Washington to preside 
over the Senate, but stopped en route at Petersburg, Va., where 
he received an "ovation," a public dinner being tendered him 
by the "Republicans." Burr was cheered and toasted, and 
made much of. When he reached Washington he found 
that both New York and New Jersey had issued indictments 
against him, but he was not prosecuted, as political and per- 
sonal influence was brought to bear. About this time the 
case of a certain Judge Chace, who was to be tried by the 
Senate for malfeasance in ofiice, came up for trial. Burr, as 
the Vice-President, took charge of the proceedings, and his 
attitude was such as to cause a certain newspaper to say that 
"he directed the trial with the dignity and impartiality of an 
angel and the vigor of a devil." The issue of the duel was 
forgotten, and there was a reaction in his favor, but he could 
never regain his position. It was shortly after this that he 
resigned public ofiice, first delivering an emotional and 
fetching speech, which caused his hearers to melt into tears. 
Probably at no time in his career was he so eloquent. Ruin 



THE DUEL 427 

succeeded his extravagant and blasted life. Richmond Hill 
was pressed for sale, and brought twenty-five thousand dol- 
lars, which was insufficient to pay his debts, and as he was 
liable to arrest at any time, and as his practice had gone and 
he was without earning power he was obliged to flee. It 
was then that he sought Louisiana, soon becoming involved 
in new trouble. The history of his subsequent life both in 
America and abroad need not be dwelt upon. He always 
spoke lightly of the duel, and seemed to be without concern 
or remorse. He was bitter, and keenly felt the censure of 
others, and in his diary^ on October 24, 1808, when in Ham- 
burg said: 

**I find that among the great number of Americans here 
and there, all are hostile to A. B, — all — what a lot of rascals 
they must be to make war on one whom they do not know; 
on one who never did harm or wished harm to a human be- 
ing. Yet they, perhaps ought not to be blamed, for they are 
influenced by what they hear. I learn further that A. B. 
is announced in the Paris papers in a manner in no way 
auspicious." 

Many anecdotes are told of him, illustrating not only his 
casual feeling in regard to serious things, but what I have 
just mentioned. It is said that in a letter written when 
yellow fever was rife in New York, he cynically observed : 
"We die reasonably fast. Mrs. Jones died last night; but 
then Mrs. Smith had twins this morning; so the account is 
even. ^ 

Upon one occasion he referred to "my friend Hamilton, 
whom I shot." Upon another, a foreigner asked, in Burr's 
hearing, if Hamilton was a gentleman. Burr resented the 
question and replied with hauteur, " Sir, / met him." ^ Upon 

' "Private Journal," vol. I, p. 274. 

^ "Parton," vol. II, p. 19. ^ Oliver, op. cit., p. 417. 



428 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

another he is said to have visited the duelling ground with a 
friend, and in the words of the latter, "He justified all he had 
done; nay, applauded it." 

This and other statements of the kind are, possibly, exag- 
gerations, or even lies, for vituperation and misrepresenta- 
tion were active at the time. For over one hundred years 
few historians have been found who were willing to accord 
to Burr a single virtue; yet, in spite of certain grave defects 
of character, there is, after all, much that appeals to the just 
and fair-minded critic. No one who is conversant with the 
history of his middle and old age, can help admiring those 
traits of generosity and a certain tenderness that are shown, 
especially in his letters to his daughter Theodosia and some 
others. Doubtless, in a way, he greatly liked Hamilton, so 
long as the latter did not cross his political path, for in early 
years they were much together, and Burr was a frequent 
visitor at Hamilton's house, and upon more than one occa- 
sion was the messenger between husband and wife. They 
had a great deal in sympathy, the same sense of humor, and 
capacity for witty retort; and the ability to appreciate the 
amiable weaknesses of others. If such existed, it is a pity 
that none of their correspondence has been preserved, for it 
would be the best index of the feeling underneath that might 
have existed at some time. 

While these good traits did not compensate for a great deal 
that was absolutely vicious, it is not right to invariably speak 
of Burr as a monster — even if his moral sense was in many 
ways defective or even deficient. There is something in the 
misery of the man during his exile that is very touching, and 
his life abroad, where he was an Ishmaelite, was filled with 
bitterness which he endured, meanwhile showing a stubborn 
courage. His diary is a strange mixture of accounts of dissi- 
pation and references to his daughter which betray that, at 



THE DUEL 429 

heart, there was one tend-er point in his nature. The pages 
devoted to the account of his wretched and uncomfortable 
trip to Boston in a slow and dreary packet, after pawning the 
Httle gifts for Theodosia and escaping the land sharks with 
just enough to reach America, throw Hght upon the char- 
acter of a man who, no matter what he had done, was proud 
and self-reliant in his adversity. Oliver ^ is most charitable, 
and in speaking of Burr says: "Two things about him 
passed the bounds of acting — his generosity and his affection. 
He had at all times many creditors, and it cannot be said 
of him that he was depressed by the weight of his obliga- 
tions. Strictly he was an immoral citizen, because he 
flouted the sanctity of contract and gave away upon an im- 
pulse what was already hypothecated to others. But at 
least he did not spend upon himself. . . . He gave because 
he could not resist appeals, because he could not help giving. 
. . . His charity was of the heart, spontaneous, promiscuous, 
and usually misdirected. ... In his old age the habit 
amounted to a mania. He fancied himself rich, and gave 
still more recklessly — a more amiable and a less common 
trait in septuagenarians than to fancy themselves poor and 
hoard. . . . Lovers of Hamilton and of a settled order — 
Federalist partisans and outraged Democrats — have drawn 
the picture of Burr which is accepted in history books. It is 
only natural that the shadows have been overblackened." 

Burr died in 1836, and his body lies near that of his father 
and grandfather at Princeton. Hamilton was buried in the 
churchyard of old Trinity, within a few hundred yards of the 
site of the first house he occupied when he came to New 
York, and of Federal Hall, while the graves of Elizabeth 
Hamilton and himself are really located in the very com- 
mercial centre of the United States. Every one who hurries 

^Op. cit., pp. 417-418. 



430 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

up the great street that extends from the venerable church 
to the East River can, if he chooses, always see the humble 
monument w^hich covers all that is left of the first Secretary 
of the Treasury of the United States. 

After the growth of more than a century, our country, 
with all its present greatness, calmly weighs the part played 
by those early patriots who brought it into life. The indi- 
vidual influence of the "Makers of America" is every day 
showing itself, and as our institutions become more and 
more firmly established we constantly and steadily thrive as a 
nation. It is hardly necessary to say that those principles 
that are most firmly dependent upon an adherence to the 
precepts of the Constitution have been the best. This has 
been tested and proved over and ver again. That great 
"system of fundamental principles" has ever served and 
saved us in times of national peril, and when its provisions 
have been ignored, or it has been disregarded, we have, at 
times, been perilously near demoralization, for then the 
rights of all the people for which Hamilton really fought 
have been jeopardized, but not for long. Happily these in- 
stances have been rare, and those men who have tampered 
with it have usually been wrong-headed meddlers or dema- 
gogues. 

After the many years that have elapsed since the creation 
of the Constitution of the United States, it is not saying too 
much to assert that to Hamilton belongs most of the credit 
for its preparation and adoption, and that it is to-day the best 
monument of his greatness. 

The rancor of personal abuse, so prevalent during the early 
part of the last century, does not now concern or interest a 
great people, and whatever were his faults — ^which, by the 
way, were only those of an impetuous nature — the persistent 
and prophetic work of his short life is now making itself felt, 



THE DUEL 



431 



and its results are admitted, by those more competent and 
worthy than myself, to be beyond improvement. JeflFerson, 
Callender, and Cheatham are gone. Freneau's scurrilous 
diatribes are forgotten, and, to-day, able and impartial his- 
torians, both here and abroad, are according him the tardy 
acknowledgment of what he has done for the United States 
and for the World. 

Perhaps his most impartial and grateful critics and ad- 
mirers are the millions who, denied liberty elsewhere, have 
availed themselves of the complete protection embodied in an 
instrument with which his name is so intimately identified. 




I I 11 I' 



The Grave of Alexander Hamilton. 



APPENDIX A 

(Page 8) 

HAMILTON OF CAMBUSKEITH AND GRANGE » 

"The progenitors of the Hamiltons of Cambuskeith, now called 
the Mount, were derived by Crawfurd and Wood, from Walter, 
second son of Sir David, filius Walteri de Hamilton, the third in 
the line of succession from Gilbert de Hamildun, the founder of the 
ducal house of Hamilton. Crawfurd further states that Hamilton 
of Grange, in Ayrshire, was the representative of the Cambuskeith 
Hamiltons. This is very probable, although neither Crawfurd, nor 
the writer of the family genealogy in Robertson's Ayrshire Families, 
proves it to be the fact. We shall, however, follow the latter 
account, said to be drawn from family writs, so far as it appears 
to be correct. 

"The first recorded in these documents is: 

"I. David Hamilton, of Cambuskeith, who had a charter of the 
lands of Blairmead from his uncle (patruus) Alan Hamilton of Leth- 
berd, which was confirmed by the over lord, Archibald, Earl of 
Douglas, Lord of Galloway and Annandale, at Peebles, on the 29th 
January, 141 1. 

" 11. James Hamilton of Cambuskeith, who was served heir to his 
father David in 1436. He married Margery, daughter of Sir James 
Hamilton of Preston, by Margaret, daughter of Sir James, afterward 
Lord Hamilton, by whom he had his successor, 

"III. John Hamilton of Cambuskeith, who married Marion, 
daughter of Sir John Maxwell of Calderwood, by whom he had a son, 

"IV. Alexander, who was served heir to his father John in 1489. 
His name occurs as one of the assize in a criminal case in 1512; 
and he was amerciated for intercommuning with the Sheriff of Ayr, 
in 1527. He married Marion, daughter of Sir Adam Cuninghame 
of Caprington, by Isabel, daughter of Sir Malcolm Craufurd of 
Kilbirnie, by whom he had a son, 

"V. John Hamilton of Cambuskeith, who in 1542 appears in the 

* Prepared from " History of Ayrshire and Its Families," by James Paterson, 
vol. II, pp. 201, 202, 203. 

433 



434 APPENDIX A 

Scots Acts of Parliament as one of the curators of John Hamilton of 
Fynart. He was killed on the Muir of Glasgow, May, 1544. He 
married Margaret, daughter of Cuninghame of Leglane, by whom 
he had a son, 

"VI. John Hamilton of Cambuskeith, who was served heir to his 
father, John, in 1546. He did not, however, long enjoy the property, 
as he died intestate in September, 1547. His relict, Joneta Munt- 
gumery, was confirmed executores datein, the following January. He 
left issue: 

1. John, 'his son and heir apparent.' 

2. Elizabeth, 'his daughter.' 

'"William Hammiltone, Tutour of Cammiskeyth,' was charged 
with celebrating mass, and attempting to restore Popery at Kirkos- 
wald in 1563, 

"VII. John Hamilton of Cambuskeith. It was this John, prob- 
ably, who married Catherine Farquhar, daughter of the Laird of 
Gilmilnscroft, by whom he had two sons: 

1. John, his successor. 

2. William, afterward Sir William Hamilton of Sorn. 
"VIII. John Hamilton of Cambuskeith, who wasserved heirtohis 

father, John, in the lands of Cambuskeith in 1561, and to his grand- 
father, John, in the lands of Pophill, Burnhill, and others, near to 
Craufurdland and Kilmarnock Castles, on ist May, 1572. He mar- 
ried, first, Jane Montgomerie, daughter of the Laird of Haiselheid, 
by whom he had his successor, and probably a daughter, Elizabeth; 
secondly, he married Janet Stewart, daughter of Mr. Matthew Stew- 
art of Minto, by whom he had a son, according to the writer in 
Ayrshire Families, David of Ladyton, which lands he obtained from 
his father in 1571, and who married Marion Campbell, daughter of 
the Laird of Ducathall. 

"IX. John Hamilton of Cambuskeith or Grange. He was re- 
toured heir to his great-grandfather, John, in the lands of Overmure 
and Carlingcraigs, 3d Nov., 1603. He married Janet, daughter of 
William Cuninghame of Caprington, by whom he had no issue. 
His brother-in-law, William Caprington, is said to have obtained, 
unfairly, a charter under the Great Seal of the ten-pound land of 
Cambuskeith in 1598. 'Johanne Hamiltoun of the Grange of Kil- 
marnock' is mentioned as one of the assize in a criminal case in 
1608. He died before 1615, in which year 'umquhile, John Hamil- 
toun of Grange,' occurs as a debtor in the testament of 'Mr. Johnne 
Luif,' Kilmarnock. He was alive in 1612, so that his death must 
have occurred between the years 16 12 and 161 5. The writer in 



APPENDIX A 435 

Robertson states that the representation of the family now devolved 
on his brother David of Lad}-ton. No proof is adduced of this, but it 
seems probable from the fact that Ladyton was the property of the 
family. It does not appear, however, that David succeeded his 
brother, or that he was ever styled of Grange, as we find. 

"X. * Alexander Hamilton of Greng,' mentioned in the testament 
of John Hutchesoun in Bog, Galston Parish, in June, 1616. He was 
retoured heir to his father, David, in the lands of Grange, loth Janu- 
ar}-, 1617. He married Agnes (not Elizabeth) Craufurd, niece of the 
Laird of Lochnorris, by whom he had two sons: 

1. John, who is erroneously said to have died young. 

2. Robert, said to have been the successor of his father. 
"XI. John Hamilton of Grange. His name occurs in various 

documents. In 1618 John Hamilton of Grange disposed of his an- 
nual rent on the lands and barony of Kilmarnock to the Bovd family, 
which he seems to have again acquired, for, in 1634. John Hamilton 
of Grange has in festment of the annual rent furth of the lands and 
baronies of Kilmarnock and Grougar. He may have been suc- 
ceeded by his brother, 

"XII. Robert Hamilton of Grange, who was retoured heir to 
his father, .-Vlexander, 19th December, 1661. He married Margaret 
Hamilton, daughter of the Laird of Xeilsland, by whom he had a son, 

"XIII. John Hamilton of Grange, who married Elizabeth Crau- 
furd, daughter of the Laird of Craufurdland, by whom he had two 
sons and six daughters, of the latter of whom, Margaret, was married 
in 1675, to Robert Hunter of Kirkland. He was succeeded by his 
eldest son, 

"XIV. John Hamilton of Grange, who, in 1677, was retoured heir 
of his father, John. Bv a deed, dated June, 1677, he disposed of the 
'forty-shilling land of old extent of the Kirkland of Kilmarnock, 
with the glebe lands thereof,' to the Earl of Kilmarnock. In 1685, 
he acquired part of the lands of Stevenston-Campbell from Robert 
Cuninghame of Auchenhar\ie; and about this time also he acquired 
the barony of Stevenston-Cuninghame from the Glencaim family; 
the mansion-house of which, Kerilaw, under the name o{ Grange, be- 
came the residence as well as the title of the family.^ He married 
Rebecca Cuninghame. daughter of Alexander Cuninghame of Craig- 
ends, by whom he had issue a daughter, Janet, married to William 
Warner of Ardeer, and an only son, 

' Kerilaw Castle continued to be the mansion-house of this family till about fifty 
years ago, when the present house of Grange was buUt on a fine situation at a little 
distance from the old Castle of Kerilaw. Stat. Ac. of Scot 



436 APPENDIX A 

"XV. Alexander Hamilton of Grange, who succeeded htm, and 
married, about the year I'J'^O, Elizabeth Pollock, eldest daughter of 
Sir Robert Pollock of that Ilk, by Annabella, daughter of Walter 
Stewart of Pardovan, by whom he had issue: 

T? h -t \ ^"^^^^^^'^^h Lairds of Grange. 

3. Alexander. He married Rachel Cuninghame, daughter of 

'James Cuninghame of CoUellan, by whom he had a son, 
Alexander, and four daughters: 

1. Elizabeth, married Robert Cuninghame of Auchen- 

harvie, and hctd issue. 

2. Margaret, married Rev. Thomas Pollock, minister of 

Kilwinning, and had issue. 

3. Joana, married Edward M'Cormick, Esq., advocate, late 

Sheriff Depute of Ayrshire, and had issue. 

4. Jane, died unmarried. 

4. James, a proprietor in the West Indies, and father of Gen- 

eral Hamilton, the celebrated statesman and patriot in 
the United States, who fell, greatly regretted, in a duel 
with a Mr. Burr. 

5. Walter \ , ,, ,■ , ■ , 
i- r^ ( both died unmarried. 
0. Lreorge J 

7. William, married Jean, daughter of Robert Donald, Esq., 

and had issue. 

8. Joseph. 

9. William, who died in infancy. 

"Of his two daughters, one died in infancy, and the other, Eliza- 
beth, was married to Alexander Blair, Esq., surveyor of the customs 
at Port Glasgow, son of William Blair, of Blair, and had issue. 

"XVI. John Hamilton of Grange, the eldest son, succeeded. 
He died unmarried, and was succeeded by his brother, 

"XVII. Robert Hamilton of Grange, who, dying also unmarried 
in 1774, was succeeded by his nephew, son of Alexander Hamilton, 
the third brother. 

"XVIII. Alexander Hamilton of Grange, advocate and Lieut. - 
Col. of the late 2d Regiment of Ayrshire Local Militia. He disposed 
of the Grange, in 1792, to Miss Scott, afterward Duchess of Portland, 
who had previously, 1787, purchased Cambuskeith, the more an- 
cient property of the family. He built the new house of Kerilaw, 
previous to 1790, and died in 1837. Dying without issue, the rep- 
resentation of this ancient family descended to Captain John Brown, 
of the 23d Fusileers, his grand-nephew, only son of the marriage be- 



APPENDIX A 437 

tween Major George Vanbrugh Brown of Knockmarloch and Eliza- 
beth Cuninghame, eldest daughter of the marriage between Robert 
Cuninghame of Auchenharvie and Elizabeth Hamilton, eldest sister 
of the second Alexander Hamilton. 

"Arms: Gules, a lion rampant, argent (for the Earldom of Ross); 
betwixt three cinque foils, ermine (for Hamilton). Crest: An oak 
tree proper. Motto, in an escroll above, ViRiDis et Fructifera." 



APPENDIX B 

(Page 19) 
KERILAW CASTLE 

In "Cunninghame" (Topographized by Timothy Pont An. 1604- 
1608, with Continuations and Illustration Notices by the late James 
Dobie of Crummock, F.S.A., Scot., edited by his son John Shed- 
don Dobie, Glasgow, 1876^), we find a description of this ancient 
property. 

"Kary-law Castle or Steninstoune Castell, a fair stronge building 
belonging to ye Earls of Glencairne quoho had ye said Castell bar- 
roney parisch and Lordschipe by the marriage of ye Douglass here- 
trix thereof it belonged in A° 1 191 to ye Lockharts." 

"The ivy-mantled ruins of Kerilaw Castle show it to have formed 
in its later days a quadrangular pile of building of about thirty yards 
square. Its situation on the eastern side of the Stevenston burn is 
not one of much natural strength, for though the ground around is 
prettily broken and undulating, the site itself is flat and easily ap- 
proachable on three sides, while to the rear its walls arose from the 
edge of the low but rocky and precipitous brink of the stream. This 
side of the castle has almost entirely disappeared, and was, most 
probably, the oldest part of the building. The doorway in the north- 
east front is directly approached through a double line of noble old 
trees forming a shady avenue of about a quarter of a mile in length. 
The greater part of this wall, which is still standing, shows few of 
the defensive accompaniments common to the more ancient baronial 
buildings, but the lower apartments in it in the corresponding wing 
have been vaulted. The south-east front, which faces into the 
present gardens, appears to have been a more modern addition, its 
central doorway and window on the eastern side being of the Gothic 
style, and of much larger and airier proportions than those in the 

' Also see " A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland and the Islands of the 
British Seas," vol. II, 1813, "A Genealogical Account of the Principal Families in 
Ayrshire, More Particularly Cunningham," by George Robertson, vol. I, Irvine, 
1823. 

438 



APPENDIX B 439 

wall fronting the avenue; above, in the second story, is a tier of 
square-headed mullion-divided windows, and the other wall is 
finished by a battlement. The ancient hall of Kerilaw Castle was 
said to have been ornamented with the coats-of-arms of the Scottish 
nobility, taken from the Abbey of Kilwinning after its destruction at 
the Reformation. If so, retribution has followed on Kerilaw. The 
spoils of Kilwinning have entirely disappeared, and their existence 
there is known only by tradition. From Kilwinning, the approach 
to the present mansion, which stands on the opposite side of the 
burn, keeps the line of the old avenue, crossing the stream by the 
bridge thrown over its course immediately underneath the line of the 
back wall of the ruins." 

'This bridge, which detracts somewhat from the sole original 
strength of the position, adds to the picturesque effect, and the banks 
of the clear, rapid little stream are here over-arched by wide-spread 
old forest trees." 



APPENDIX C 

(Page 64) 

THE RIVINGTON TRACTS 

The series of tracts issued chiefly from Rivington's press, in New 
York City during 1774 and 1775, consisted of twenty pamphlets and 
rejoinders from the Patriots, and in the beginning preceded the move- 
ment to send delegates from the Province of New York to the General 
Congress in Philadelphia. According to Evans,* the secret service 
fund of the British Government was largely drawn upon to subsidize 
the printing office of the Tory printer. This writer says: "The 
friends of American Liberty found arrayed against them an opposi- 
tion made up of the Church of England. In fact, in its controversial 
phases, the struggle for civil liberty in the American Colonies as- 
sumed something of the nature of religious warfare, in which dis- 
senting churches were opposed by the Established Church of Eng- 
land." This was, undoubtedly, a further evolution of the spirit of 
antagonism that, in the seventeenth century, led to the exodus of the 
little band of Englishmen who landed in Massachusetts Bay. It 
was, therefore, to be expected that the Tory opposition would be 
represented by a clergyman, and we find the Rev. Myles Cooper, 
the president of King's College, taking an active part. 

He it was whom Alexander Hamilton helped to escape from the 
infuriated patriots who surrounded the college, during Hamilton's 
fiery and eloquent speech delivered from the doorstep. Cooper, 
after listening with indignant surprise from a window above, reluc- 
tantly made his exit from a back door, and sought the protection of 
the English man-of-war in the harbor. Cooper's first pamphlet was 
signed "A North American," and was entitled " The American Quer- 
ist." This inflamed the already exasperated "Sons of Liberty," and 
he was in danger of violent treatment, and ultimately left the coun- 
try. Shortly afterward Bishop Seabury of Connecticut wrote several 
tracts taking the Tory side. His first was entitled "/^ Friendly 

' "American Bibliography," by Charles Evans, vol. V, 1774-1778, p. ix et seq. 
Privately printed for the author by the Hollister Press, Chicago, 1909. 

440 



APPENDIX C 441 

Address to All Reasonable Americans on the Subject of our Political 
Confusions'' and was answered by Philip Livingston by "The 
Other Side of the Question, or a Defense of the Liberties of North 
America." The pseudonym chosen by Seabury was "A. W. Far- 
mer," his purpose having been to turn the agricultural class against 
the proposed measures that were to be introduced into the coming 
Congress, and to convey the idea that he was an actual farmer 
of Westchester County. Meanwhile General Charles Lee wrote 
"Strictures on a Pamphlet Entitled a Friendly Address to all Reason- 
able Americans, etc." with the quotation from Shakespeare, "Let's 
canvass him in his Broad Cardinal's Hat." This was published by 
the Bradfords in Philadelphia. 

Subsequently Seabury wrote "Free Thoughts on the Proceedings 
of the Continental Congress Held at Philadelphia, Sept. 4, 1774." 
This drew forth Hamilton's "Full Vindication, etc.," to which ref- 
erence has been made. In two or three weeks Seabury published, 
under his original pseudonym, " The Congress Canvassed; or, an 
Examination Into the Conduct of the Delegates at the Grand Con- 
vention Held in Philadelphia, Sept. 1st, 1774." In 1 775 Hamil- 
ton issued his second rejoinder to Seabury, under the title oi"The 
Farmer Refuted or a More Impartial and Comprehensive View of 
the Dispute Between Great Britain and the Colonies, Intended as a 
Further Vindication of the Congress. In the meantime spirited at- 
tacks were indulged in, and other tracts were published. One of 
these was entitled "An Alarm to the Legislature of the Province of 
New York occasioned by the Present Political Disturbance in North 
America," and was issued from Rivington's press. Another was 
entitled "What Think Te of the Congress Now?" erroneously 
attributed to the Rev. Thomas Bradbury Chandler. Joseph Gallo- 
way, who had joined the American troops, but had deserted and es- 
poused the Tory side, wrote "A Plan of a Proposed Union Between 
Great Britain and the Colonies," and "A Candid Examination of 
the Mutual Claims of Great Britain and the Colonies ; with a Plan 
of Accommodation on Constitutional Principles." He also later pub- 
lished other tracts in England. 

After Hamilton's "Farmer Refuted" appeared, it was answered 
by Isaac Wilkins, who, under the pseudonym of "A Country Gen- 
tleman," prepared a tract called "The Republican Dissected; or, 
the Anatomy of an American Whig." This, however, did not, at the 
time, appear, for a company from Connecticut descended upon Riv- 
ington's premises, wrecked his presses, and scattered Wilkins's proof- 
sheets. In some way, however, a copy found its way to England, 



442 APPENDIX C 

where it was reprinted. Other pamphlets that appeared in 1774 and 
furthered this controversy were those of Henry Barry, an EngHsh 
officer in Boston who attacked Lee, and of Jonathan Boucher. The 
latter was the author of"// Letter from a Virginian to the Members 
of the Congress to be Held in Philadelphia on the First of September., 
1774." 



APPENDIX D 

(Page 71) 

INDICTMENT OF WILLIAM DUANE FOR SEDITION 

Pleas before the Honorable The Judges of 
the Circuit Court of the United States in 
and for the District of Pennsylvania in the 
Third Circuit at Philadelphia. 

Be it Remembered that at a Circuit Court of the United States 
holden at the City of Philadelphia in and for the District of Penn- 
sylvania in the Third Circuit on the Eleventh Day of October A.D. 
1800 — and in the tvs^enty-fifth year of the Independence of the said 
United States Before the Honorable William Paterson one of the 
associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States and the 
Honorable Richard Peters Judge of the District Court of the United 
States in and for the said District assigned to hold the said Circuit 
Court — by the oaths of John Jones — 'John Dunlap — George Plum- 
stead — John C. Stecker — 'John Miller Jun — John Leamy — George 
Bickham — 'John Curwen — Anthony Hearn — Derick Petersen — John 
Holmes and John B. Gilpin — 

And by the affirmations of Edward Garrigues Nathan Schoefield 
and Cadvv^allader Evans — good and careful men of the said District 
— then and there impannelled sworn or affirmed and charged to 
enquire for the said United States and for the Body of the said 
District — 

It is Thus Presented. 

In the Circuit Court of the United States of 
America in and for the District of Pennsyl- 
vania of the Middle Circuit — 

The Grand Inquest of the United States of America in and for 
the District of Pennsylvania upon their respective oaths and affirma- 
tions. Do Present that William Duane late of the District of Penn- 

443 



444 APPENDIX D 

sylvania aforesaid Yeoman on the nineteenth day of February in the 
year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred at the District afore- 
said he being a malicious and seditious man and also wickedly de- 
ceitfully falsely a id maliciously contriving to Detract scandalize and 
vilify and to repr«^sent the Senate of the United States of America in 
Congress assembled as actuated by factions and improper views and 
motives, as governed by Intrigue and the influence of private secret 
meetings as unfit to be trusted with the duties and high authority ap- 
pertaining to the Senate of the United States aforesaid and to biing 
the said Senate and many of the members thereof into an ill opinion 
hatred and contempt with all the good Citizens of the said United 
States and to represent the said members of the Senate aforesaid as 
corrupt persons, and for the purposes aforesaid the said William 
Duane did at the District aforesaid the day and year last aforesaid 
with Force and arms wickedly falsely and maliciously print and pub- 
lish and cause to be printed and published a certain false scandal- 
ous and malicious libel following — to wit — 

Philadelphia — Wednesday, February 19, 1800. 

"In our paper of the 27th ult. we noticed the introduction of 
a "measure into the Senate of the United States by Mr. Ross" 
(James Ross Esquire a Senator of the Said United States for the 
State of Pennsylvania meaning) "calculated to influence and 
aflPect the approaching Presidential Election " (meaning the 
Election of President of the United States) "and to frustrate in 
"a particular manner the wishes and interests of the People of 
"the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania" — -in which Said Libel of 
and concerning the said Senate of the United States, and many 
members thereof, and of and concerning a certain Bill intro- 
duced into the said Senate is contained among other things, 
diverse scurrilous false feigned seditious and malicious matters 
according to the tenor following to wit — "the opponants of In- 
" dependence and Republican Government who supported Mr. 
"Ross, in the contest against Governor McKean are well known 
"by the Indecency, the slander and the falsehood of the meas- 
"ures they pursued — and it is well known that they are all de- 
" voted to the Federal Party which we dissected on Monday — 
"Mr. Ross" (James Ross Esquire member of the Senate of the 
" United States for the State of Pennsylvania meaning) "proposed 
"this Bill in the Federal Senate (how consistently with the 
"Decency of his Friends will be seen), a committee of five was 



APPENDIX D 445 

"appointed to prepare a Bill on the subject on this committee 
"Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina was appointed on Thursday 
"morning last (the Caucus held the preceeding Evening) "Mr. 
"Ross" (the said James Ross Esquire Senator as aforesaid 
meaning) "informed Mr. Pinckney that the Committee had 
"drawn up a bill on the subject" (meaning thereby that James 
Ross Esquire Member of the Senate of the United States for the 
State of Pennsylvania had informed Mr. Pinckney a member 
of the said Senate from the State of South Carolina) "that the 
"said Committee of the said Senate had drawn up a bill on the 
"subject of their said appointment when in fact Mr. Pinckney 
"had never been consulted on the subject though a member of 
"the Committee the Bill was introduced and passed as below." 

And the said William Duane in the said Libel inserted in a 
certain newspaper called Aurora General advertiser — did then 
and there print and publish of and concerning the said Senate 
and the members thereof among other things diverse false 
scandalous and malicious matters according to the tenor fol- 
lowing to wit: "On this occasion it may not be impertinent 
"to introduce an anecdote which will illustrate the nature of 
"caucuses and shew that our popular government may in the 
"hands of a faction be as completely abused as the French 
"Constitution has been by the self-created Consuls." 

"In the summer Session of 1798 — when federal thunder and 
"violence were belched from the pestiferous lungs of more than 
"one despotic minion a caucus was held at the house of Mr. 
"Bingham in this City" (the house of William Bingham Esquire 
member of the said Senate for the State of Pennsylvania mean- 

ing )• 

It "was composed of members of the Senate and there 

"were present seventeen members — 'The Senate consisting of 

"32 members this number was of course a majority and the 

"session was a full one — 

" Prior to Deliberation on the measures of war, navy, army, 
"Democratic proscription, &, &, it was proposed and "agreed 
to that all the members present should solemnly "pledge 
themselves to act firmly upon the measures to be agreed "upon 
by the majority of the persons present at the Caucus. 

"The measures were perfectly in the high tone of that ex- 
"traordinary Sessions. But upon a division of the caucus it was 
"found that they were divided nine against eight. This ma- 
" jority however held the minority to their engagement, and the 



446 APPENDIX D 

"whole seventeen voted in Senate upon all the measures dis- 
" cussed at the Caucus 

"Thus it is seen that a secret self-appointed meeting of 17 
" persons dictated lav^s to the United States and not only that nine 
"of that seventeen had the full command and power over the 
"consciences and votes of the other eight, but that nine possessed 
"by the turpitude of the eight actually all the power which the 
"Constitution declares shall be vested in the majority only. 

"In other words a majority of nine members of the Senate 
"rule the other twenty three members. 

"It is easily conceivable, as in the recent changes in France 
"that this spirit of Caucusing may be conducted in progression 
" down to two or three persons, thus three leading characters may 
"agree to act upon measures approved by any two of them — 
"these three may add two others, and they would be a majority 
"of five, and those adding four others would be a majority of 
" nine, and this nine possess all the power of a majority of 23 ! ! " 
" Yet such is the way we " (meaning the Citizens of the United 
"States) "are treated by those who call themselves Federalists" 
(meaning the said Senate of the United States and the aforesaid 
members thereof) "The following Bill is an offspring of this 
"spirit of Faction secretly working (in the Senate ot the United 
"States meaning) and it will be found to be in perfect accord 
"with the outrageous proceedings of the same party in our State 
"Legislature who are bent on Depriving this state of its share 
"in an election that may involve the fate of the Country and 
posterity — ■ 
And the said William Duane afterwards to wit — on the nineteenth 
day of May in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred at 
the District aforesaid in a certain newspaper called Aurora General 
Advertiser of which he the said William was then and there the pub- 
lisher did wickedly print and publish a certain false scandalous and 
malicious Libel and did then and there cause to be published a cer- 
tain false scandalous and malicious Libel of the Senate of the said 
United States and of the members thereof in which said Libel among 
other things is contained diverse false scandalous and malicious 
matters according to the tenor following to wit — Monday May 19, 
1800. 

"Parties — We sometime since gave an analysis of the Parties 
"which prevail in the United States under the general object of 
"their Union and Designs — These we then divided into Re- 
" publicans the friends of the President and the followers of 



APPENDIX D 447 

"Alexander Hamilton since the late explosion in the cabinet 
"some carnal changes have taken place as the Senate (of the 
"United States meaning) has been the principal Focus of the 
"antirepublic parties we now give a statement of the parties as 
"thev stood in the Senate (the Senate of the United States mean- 
"ing) upon the close of the Session. They are thus designated 
"Republicans — consisting of a firm body of men devoted to our 
" form of Government. Aristocrats, consisting of two descrip- 
"tions or factions devoted to men and measures hostile to our 
"form of Government, beside these there are a few who trim be- 
"tween the different parties with which they occasionally act," 
and the said \\illiam did then and there in the said Libel print 
and publish the following false scandalous and malicious things 
of the said Senate and the members thereof falsely and ma- 
liciously according to the tenor following to wit. 

"Light as such insignificant beings as Fenno are in the scale 
"by them the weight and bias of Political parties, are oftentimes 
"clearly discovered — And it is now more obvious than ever that 
"what is now called the Pickeronian party was the ruling and in- 
"fluential body which set in motion all the intrigues and it may 
"be said without exaggeration, all the downright villany that has 
" been practiced for a long time let any man examine the charac- 
"ters which compose Faction and can there be any difficulty in 
"forming a decisive opinion — Let the measures of only the last 
"Session be examined and it will be found that the Pickeronian 
"Columns either led or directed every obvious measure which 
"has been brought for«"ard." 

"The attempt to encrease the at present excessive salar}' of 
"members of Congress was made by Goodhue" (meaning Ben- 
jamin Goodhue Esquire a member of the Senate of the said 
United States from the State of Massachusetts). "That audacious 
"attempt to introduce a fourth Branch in the Government was 
"originated bv Ross" (James Ross Esquire member of the said 
Senate for the State of Pennsylvania meaning). "The Star 
"chamber proceedings by Dayton and Tracy supported by Read " 
and the said William did then and there in the said newspaper 
falsely scandalously and maliciously print and publish of the said 
Senate and the members thereof the following false scandalous 
and malicious words and matters following to wit — "The system 
"of speculation has been deeply interwoven with their views" 
(meaning the said Senate and the members thereof and their 
views) "pecuniarv- and personal aggrandizement subserviency 



448 APPENDIX D 

to British machinations and the most fatal of all the sacrifice of 
"some of our own states through factious hatred and revenge. 
" In the Interdiction of our trade with france, the southern States 
"alone were vitally affected, while the Eastern were secured by 
"artful provisions. The Eastern States to which such large boun- 
"ties are given from the national coffers to stimulate and encour- 
" age their maritime industry were sedulously guarded, while the 
" planting states were thrown at the Mercy of British Monopoly 
"and cut off from the best market in Europe." 

And the said Inquest upon their oaths and affirmations re- 
spectively Do further present that the said William on the sec- 
ond day of May in the year last aforesaid at the said District 
did print and publish a Libel in which was contained among 
other things the following false scandalous and malicious mat- 
ters and expressions of and concerning the Congress of the 
United States and also the Directors of the Bank of the United 
States as follows — "We have before us a very able and an 
"energetic exposition of our funding System, it is from the 
"Pen of one of the most original and forcible writers of the 
"present day, a writer who when he confines himself to 
"measures and facts illuminates instructs and informs more 
"than any of his contemporances it is the author of the Po- 
"litical progress of Great Britain. The following is an ex- 
" tract from a work now in the Press by that able writer. On 
"March iP- 1791, the Act past for incorporating the Hamilton 
"Bank — The Tenth Section says that 'neither shall the said 
"corporation take more than at the rate of six per centum per 
"annum for or upon its loans or discounts.' The Constitu- 
"tion gives Congress no power to regulate the interest of money. 
"But if they did make such a rule they should have paid some 
"attention to the getting of it observed. Instead of this the 
"following practice is said to be common in Philadelphia — 'The 
"Bank refuses to discount at the regular price — you then apply 
"to a broker who is in correspondence with one of the directors 
"of the Bank (meaning one of the directors of the said Bank of 
"the United States) through him " (meaning one of the said di- 
" rectors aforesaid) "you receive Bank notes, at two or three per 
"cent per month and the Broker and the Director" (meaning the 
"Directors of the said Bank as aforesaid) "divide the spoil — • 
"Congress takes no cognizance of this practice so disreputable 
"in itself and so destructive to Commerce nay, several of its 
"members are Directors each has a Credit with the Bank for at 



APPENDIX D 449 

"least thirty thousand Dollars. The Directors are twenty- 
"five in number. The sum total of their personal credit comes 
"by the smallest computation to seven hundred and fifty thou- 
"sand dollars At Three per Cent per month that sum gives two 
"hundred and seventy thousand Dollars a year to the Directors 
"payable monthly whereas by the Charter of the Bank the bor- 
" rowers are entitled to an equal quantity of Bank notes for one 
"sixth part of that money. In the affair the blame does not fall 
"upon the Brokers, but upon the Directors" (meaning thereby 
the "Directors of thesaidBank) "who practice and the Congress" 
" (meaning thereby the Congress of the said United States) "who 
"suff'er such extortion. The Silence of the Republican party 
"in both houses upon this Subject places in a strong light the 
"negligence with which they perform their Duty." 

To the Great scandal of the said Senate and Congress of the 
said United States of America and by the said members of the 
said Senate and Congress who are in the said Libel aspersed, to 
the evil example of all others in the like off^ending against the 
form of the Act of Congress of the said United States in such 
case made and provided against the peace and Dignity of the 
said United States. 

Jared Ingersoll, Attorney 
of the United States 
for the District of 
Pennsylvania — 

And thereupon the said William Duane saith that he is not guilty 
of the Premises in the said Indictment above specified and charged 
upon him and of this he puts himself upon the County and Jared 
Ingersoll Esquire the Attorney of the United States in and for the said 
District doth the like — 



And the said William Duane prays leave to Imparle therein here 
until the Eleventh day of May next and he hath it. The same day is 
given to the said United States. At which Day to wit the Eleventh 
day of May Anno Domini One thousand eight hundred and one, the 
aforesaid William Duane — • — ■ — ■ — — ■ — • — — — 
comes into Court and prays leave further to imparle therein here 
until the Eleventh day of October next and he hath it. 

The same day is given to the said United States. Afterwards to 
wit on the twenty-eighth day of July A.D. one thousand eight hun- 



450 APPENDIX D 

dred and one. The United States by Alexander James Dallas 
Esquire, their attorney come and say that they will no further 
prosecute. 

United States ) 

District of Pennsylvania J 

I certify the foregoing to be a true and faithful copy of the 
Record and Proceedings in the Circuit Court of the United States in 
and for the District of Pennsylvania in the Third Circuit on a Cer- 
tain Indictment for a Libel against William Duane. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto 
subscribed my name and affixed the seal of 
the said Circuit Court at Philadelphia this 
twenty-eighth day of June A.D. 1803, and in 
the Twenty-seventh year of the Independence 
of the said United States. 

D. C. Aldwetz, Clk. 

United States \ 

District of Pennsylvania / 

I CERTIFY that the foregoing attestation is in Due form of Law. 

Richard Peters 

One of the Judges of the 
Circuit Court, U. S. 



APPENDIX E 

(Page 8i) 

THE EARLY PERIODICAL PUBLICATION 
OF THE FEDERALIST 

I AM indebted to Wilberforce Eames, Esq., Librarian of the Lenox 
Library, for the following list of the issues of the newspapers in which 
the Federalist first appeared: 

The Federalist, No. 1-85. {In the New York Packet, from No. 
745, Oct. 30, 1787, to No. 828, Aug. 15, 1788. New York : Samuel 
and 'John Loudon. F°.) 

^^ The library's file of The New York Packet lacks Nos. 749, 
750, 753, 760, and 764, containing Nos. 5, 6, 11, 12, 24, 25, 31, and 
32 of the Federalist. There was no No. 77. In the collected editions 
some change was made in the numbering: No. 35 became 29, Nos. 
29 and 30 became 30 and 31, No. 31 was divided to make 32 and 
33, Nos. 32-34 became 34-36, and Nos. 36-76 became 37-77, all 
the other numbers remaining unchanged. 

According to P. L. Ford, Nos. 8, 12, 16, 18, 20, 22, 27, 29, 30, 32, 
56, 64, 70, 72, and 75 first appeared in print in The New York 
Packet, most of the other numbers having been printed first in the 
Independent Journal, or in The Daily Advertiser, or in the first col- 
lected edition. 

"The New York Packet" 

THE federalist 

No. I, Oct. 30, 1787. No. 745. 

No. 2, Nov. 2, " No. 746. 

No. 3, Nov. 6, " No. 747. 

No. 4 (marked 3), Nov. 9, 1787. No. 748, 

No. 5, Lacking in library file. 

No. 6, " 

No. 7, 8, Nov. 20, 1787. No. 751. 

No. 9, 10, Nov. 23, " No. 752. 

451 



452 APPENDIX E 

No. II, 12, Lacking In library file. 

No. 13, 14, Nov. 30, 1787. No. 754. 

No. 15, 16, Dec. 4, 1787. No. 755. 

No. 17, 18, Dec. 7, 1787. No. 756. 

No. 19, 20, Dec. II, 1787. No. 757. 

No. 21, 22, Dec. 14, 1787. No. 758. 

No. 23, Dec. 18, 1787. No. 759. 

No. 24, 25, Lacking in library file. 

No. 26, 27, Dec. 25, 1787. No. 761. 

No. 28, 29, Dec. 28, 1787. No. 762. 

No. 30, Jan. I, 1788. No. 763. 

No. 31, 32, Lacking in library file. 

No. 33, 34, Jan. 8, 1788. No. 765. 

No. 35, Jan. II, 1788. No. 766. 

No. 36, 37, Jan. 15, 1788. No. 767. 

No. 38, 39, Jan. 18, 1788. No. 768. 

No. 40, 41, Jan. 22, 1788. No. 769. 

No. 42, 43, Jan. 25, 1788. No. 770. 

No. 44, 45, Jan. 29, 1788. No. 771. 

No. 46, 47, Feb. I, 1788. No. 772. 

No. 48, 49. Feb. 5, 1788. No. 773. 

No. 50, 51, Feb. 8, 1788. No. 774. 

No. 52, 53, Feb. 12, 1788. No. 775. 

No. 54, Feb. 15, 1788. No. 776. 

No. 55, 56, Feb. 19, 1788. No. 777. 

No. 57, 58, Feb. 22, 1788. No. 778. 

No. 59, 60, Feb. 26, 1788. No. 779. 

No. 61, Feb. 29, 1788. No. 780. 

No. 62, Mch. 4, 1788. No. 781. 

No. 63, 64, Mch. 7, 1788. No. 782. 

No. 65, 66, Mch. II, 1788. No. 783. 

No. 67, 68, Mch. 14, 1788. No. 784. 

No. 69, 70, Mch. 18, 1788. No. 785. 

No. 71, 72, Mch. 21, 1788. No. 786. 

No. 73, Mch. 25, 1788. No. 787. 

No. 74, Mch. 28, 1788. No. 788. 

No. 75, Apr. I, 1788. No. 789. 

No. 76, Apr. 4, 1788. No. 790. 

No. 78, June 17 and 20, 1788. No. 811, 812. 

No. 79, June 24, 1788. No. 813. 

No. 80, June 27 and July i, 1788. No. 814, 815 

No. 81, July 4 and 8, 1788. No. 816, 817. 



APPENDIX E 453 

No. 82, July II, 1788. No. 818. 

No. 83, July 15, 18, 22, and 25, 1788. No. 819, 820, 

821, 822. 
No. 84, July 29, Aug. 8 and 12, 1788. No. 823, 826, 

827. 
No. 85, Aug. 15, 1788. No. 828. 



APPENDIX F 

(Page 83) 

THE INFLUENCE OF HAMILTON'S WORK IN SOUTH 
AFRICAN UNIFICATION. 

Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson, late Governor of Cape Colony, 
wrote to the author in January, 1910, as follows: 

"When South African Union first seemed to be coming within the 
range of practical politics, and it began to be generally discussed as 
a possibly practical issue — about four years ago — it soon became evi- 
dent that, apart from questions of racial difference and of 'native' 
policy, the main point as to which opinions differed was whether the 
union should be on a basis of federation, or of unification — whether 
the existing colonies should be treated as separate States, retaining 
their own governments and legislatures; or whether the South 
African Union, with legislatures deriving their powers from the main 
government or parliament; whether the main government should be 
entrusted with certain specific duties and powers, the State govern- 
ments to possess the rest — or whether the provincial governments 
should be entrusted with certain specified duties and powers, the 
Union Government to possess the rest. As you know, the result 
of the Convention proceedings, as ratified by the British Parlia- 
ment, has been 'unification with safeguards.' The whole of the 
power, in the ultimate resort, being in the hands of the Union Gov- 
ernment and Parliament, the provincial governments and councils 
being, however, entrusted with certain specified powers and duties 
of which they cannot be deprived, either in whole or in part, without 
certain special proceedings which are intended to prevent any mod- 
ification of the Constitution by anything like a scratch vote, or by 
bare majorities. 

"Those of us who had been thinking over the subject of union for 
many years, and had no special interests, pecuniary or otherwise, to 
bind us to any particular locality or colony in South Africa, had 
made up our minds that the ideal form of union for South Africa was 
unification — but when union became the subject of public discussion, 

454 



APPENDIX F 455 

and it began to look as if union, in one form or another, might pos- 
sibly come about, a considerable feeling in favour of federation and 
maintenance of State rights arose. I need not go into the motives 
which underlay this feeling — they were partly sentimental, partly 
racial, partly pecuniary. Enough to say that the feeling, in many 
quarters, was strong, and was so articulate that it seemed even 
stronger than it probably really was — and it did look, at one time, 
as if federation, not unification, might carry the day. 

"People in official positions, like myself, could do nothing in 
public — but, fortunately, some of the leading men in politics, and 
the ablest of them, especially Botha, Merriman and Smuts, were 
convinced unificationists, and used all their influence in favour of 
unification and a band of clever young Britishers, foremost among 
whom were Patrick Duncan, Lionel Custis, Philip Kerr, and others, 
devoted themselves to a regular propaganda, in favour of unifica- 
tion. Closer 'Union Societies' were formed all over South Africa. 
The unificationists went about, so to speak, with a copy of Alex- 
ander Hamilton's 'Life' in one pocket, and a copy of the Federalist in 
the other, preaching unification, and advising their friends to read, 
before making up their minds against unification, about the birth- 
throes of the Constitution of the United States; and to note Ham- 
ilton's words of wisdom both as to the weakness likely to arise from 
over-assertion of State rights, and as to the folly of rejecting a Consti- 
tution which was, of necessity, a compromise, merely because some 
of its provisions did not square with one's own particular or par- 
ticularist views. 

"As the result, the 'Life' was widely read, and the Federalist was 
considerably studied. In conversations about the draft Constitu- 
tion, you would often hear, 'I suppose you have read the "Life" of 
Alexander Hamilton?' 'Oh, yes!' ' And tht Federalist T 'Well, 
I've studied it a good deal.' . . . 

" I am, of course, far from saying that the study of your grand- 
father's life brought about unification, but there is no doubt that it 
was one of the influences which materially contributed to that end. 



APPENDIX G 

(Page 87) 

MEMORANDUM OF PAPERS RELATING TO FAREWELL 
ADDRESS MADE BY JAMES A. HAMILTON 

Copy of a letter from Washington to Madison, May 20, 1792. 

Hamilton to Washington, May 10, 1796. 

Washington to Hamilton, May 15, 1796. 

A draught in Washington's handwriting. 

Abstract of points, to form an address, in Hamilton's hand- 
writing. 

Endorsed "Original Draft," considerably amended, in Hamil- 
ton's handwriting. 

Washington to Hamilton, dated May 15, 1796. 

Washington to Hamilton, June 26, 1796. 

Hamilton to Washington, July 5, 1796. 

Hamilton to Washington, July 30, 1796. 

Washington to Hamilton, August 10, 1796. 

Hamilton to Washington, August 10, 1796. 

Second draft enclosed in above letter. 

Washington to Hamilton, August 25, 1796. 

Washington to Hamilton, September i, 1796. 

Hamilton to Washington, September 4, 1796. 

Hamilton to Washington, September 5, 1796. 

Washington to Hamilton, September 6, 1796. 

Hamilton to Washington, September 8, 1796. 



456 



APPENDIX H 

(Page 153) 

NOTES FOR ARGUMENT IN THE TRES- 
PASS CASE 

ARGUMENT 

A. Introduction. 

Question concerns National faith— character — 
safety — 'Confederation 

B. Serious because- wrong judgment good cause 

of war 

C. Present case somewhat new — lazu of reason 

Public good 

ubi lex tacet judex loquitur 

D. Ouestion embraces whole law of nations — 

Reason 

E. Where found ? Answer A Opinions of Fr/f- 

^r^ Practice of Na. 
Objection Writers differ: Ans. So do men in 

every thing. 
Hardw Jay civil law not bind: Civil law not 

Law of N. 

F. Jus gentium & Jus belli, part of common law 

Coke 15 great heads! 
part6:i'7-°a G. D'lv'xded mto N atural, Necessary, I ntemal, 

Positive external 

Last 
H. Subdivided Voluntary— customary Conven- 
tional 
I. Voluntary defined = System of Rules & 

And is intrinsically obligatory; enjoyed by 
necessary 
K. Two sorts of obligations internal, external, 

457 



458 APPENDIX H 

L. Internal like obligation to pay a debt barred by 
Statute of limitations. 
Or to observe Parol agreement not binding St. 
fraud 
M. By natural, party in the wrong acquires no 
rights in War 
By the voluntary both parties equal rights 

Effects on both sides same 

The Rule has different objects — ^Peace of 

Nations security of purchases — ■- — • 
— Acknowleged universally thought and ef- 
ferent princ^ — ■ — 
Some ascribing to a positive law 

Tacit Consent in making peace 

Necessity true Rule 

HENCE justice or Injustice of the war — 
makes no difF: 
N. Objection this not a Solemn war 

— Answer by the best opinions & Practice no 

difF 

Date Bynker Stroeck! 

But the War between G.B. &.U.S. was a solemn 
war 

Formalities arbitrary 
Act of Parliament authorizing hostilities 
Declaration of Ind. admits open War 
Congress by a formal resolution authorizes 

against British ■ 

O. 2. Objection no war between Independ: Na- 

Joumals of Cong. i • • i • a t i 

P. 245 objection not good m our Mouths 

Public acts contradict: claim sanction 
Best opinions to the contrary. 
3 0bj. 
P. State of New York has no Common law of 
Nations 
— Answer i. This result from Univ. law 

2. Our constitution adopt common 

law 

3. The United States have formally 

assented for us. 



APPENDIX H 



459 



what are the effects 

of War! 

GREAT INQUIRY 



OBSERV: 



CONS 



Q. Ea quae & true rule: Molloy: Plead 
Moveables for ever 
Immoveables & fruits during possession: 

ROMANS 5 
No Precedent of an Action 

— Reconcile Authors — — 
Common law: Prisoner: Real property 

— ^Proves that justice or injustice not 
considered 
For the Civil law^ of every Country presumes 
its Sovereign in the right 
R. Objection: Vatel says property of immove- 
ables not complete till peace 
This means full right of domain to aliens. 
S. Postliminum what ? 

Regulates rights of Natives within 

itself 
Has nothing to do with claim of dam- 
ages, 
Rights of contending parties or neu- 
tral nations. 
The laws of war permit the Conqueror to take 
all the profits of the land: 

to which right in practice has suc- 
ceeded 
Contribution. 
But most mitigated hostility permit making 
use of deserted property 



The enemy having exercised this right through 
Def. he cannot be answerable 



CONS 



T. Nor can it be done without a violation of the 
Treaty of peace. 
Which includes Amnesty 



Object: Congress had no right 

Answer Then Cong: nothing 

But Congress had a right 

Our Sovereignty began by a Federal act 

— Externally exists only in the Union 



460 



APPENDIX H 



Proceedings P. 12 

Art. 30 — 
ART. IX 



Vatel B. 2 (7 
§ 81 p. 147 



Obj: 



Declar of Ind: which is FUND/ constitution 
of each State asserts the Power of Con- 
gress to levy war conclude peaccy contract 
alliances 

New York Convention approves, not authenti- 
cates Congress, this had in fact complete 
Sovereignty 

— Union know in the Constitution. 

Cong: thou Abrig™ leaves Congress full powers 
of War Peace and Treaty 

POWER of making Peace implies power of 

making conditions 

"Lex est cuicunque aliquis aliquid concedit 
concedere videtur et id sine quo res ipsa 
efFe non potuit" i6 Coke 52 

Does not include power of dismembrement 
but of making all reasonable conditions 

And without remission of damages, war con- 
tinues 
Q. How give away rights of CITIZENS OF NEW 

YORK 
Ans. Citizens gave them that power. 

The Power too results from the Eminent do- 
main 

Hence injury from the Government authorizes 
taking the property of innocent subjects. 

Hence claim of damages for Injuries to Indi- 
viduals is in the Public 

Those Injuries only forgiven which are in re- 
lation to the war 

Relationship to the War consists in the Capture 
of the City. 

Lastly it would be a breach of the Confedera- 
tion 
— Congress have made a treaty 
A breach of that would be a breach of their 
constitutional authority 
Power of Treaty Legislative, 
Proclamation a law 



(' Fundemental) 



APPENDIX H 



461 



Obj. 



Obj. 



Elen. Jurispruden: 

p. 62 

Vatel B 3 j 

C12 p. 76 

§3 



OBJECT 

ANs: 
And 



De In: L 4 N". 145 



Sovereign authority may violate Treaties 

— Bold Ground admits the Intention 

But within, Each State has no such pov(,^er 

Having delegated the management of its for- 
eign concerns to Congress 

To whom alone the consideration of these, rea- 
son of State belongs 

As well a County may alter the laws of the 
State as the State those of the Confedera- 
tion. 

It has been said Legislature may alter laws of 
Nations 

Not true in theory 

Example of Ramsom bill, nothing to the pur- 
pose. 

If such a power does exist in our Government 
'tis in Congress. 

Accession to Conf : was act of Legislature why 
may not another act alter it ^ 

UNION preexisted 

Act of accession not a law but a CONTRACT 
which one part cannot release itself from 

One part of an Empire may dismember itself, 

But this supposes dissolution of the Original 
contract 

While Confed: exists its cons: Autho: para- 
mount 

But how are the JUDGES to decide .? 

Ans: Cons: giving Ind: Power only in prize 
causes in all others 

Judges of each State must of necessity be 
judges of United States • 

And the law of each State must adopt the laws 
of Congress. 

Though in relation to its own Citizens local 
laws might govern, yet in relation to for- 
eigners those of United States must pre- 
vail. 

It must be conceded Leg: of one State cannot 
repeal law of United States 

All must be construed to Stand together! 

And here the rule of Cicero 



462 



APPENDIX H 



"Primus Igetur leges oportet contendere com- 
parando utra lex ad Majores hoc est ad 
utiliones ad honestiones ac magis neces- 
saries res pertineat, ex quo confissitur ut si 
leges duae aut si plures aut quot quot 
erunt conservari non possunt qua discrep- 
ent inter se ea maxime conservanda sunt 
quae ad maximas res pertinere videatur." 

Many of these Argument suppose Trespass as 
repugnant to the law of nations — It may 
however receive a construction consistent 
with all. And to give it this Construction 
is the duty of the Court. 

We have seen that to make the Defendant liable 
would be 

TO VIOLATE the laws of nations and forfeit 
character 

To violate a solemn treaty of peace & revive 
state of hostility 

To infringe Confedered & endanger peace of 
the union 

CAN we suppose all this to have been in- 
tended by the Legislature 

The LAW cannot suppose it 

And if it was intended the act is void! 

PRINCIPLES 



viner Title Law ist 
p. SI Letter C p. 3 
Year Books Ed. 4 
P. 12 

Mirror Cap 2 § 3 



MoUoy B I Chap: 2 
§ s = 6=i2 

Coke. Lytt. P. 11 b 
4 Black Com: P 

3 Burrows Rep. 
P. 1480) 
1481/ 



A New case must be determined by the law 
of Nature and the Public good. 

Ubi lex facet Judex loquitur!!! 
Says that cases were judged according to 
Equity before the customs of the realm 
were written & made certain, Vide 

I Chan. Reports, 8 page, of Vindica- 
tion of the Court of Chancery 
A judgment contrary to the laws of Nations is a 

good cause of war. 
The ]tis gentium and jus belli are part of the 
common law. 



APPENDIX H 



463 



Vatel's Preliminaries 
P. 8 § 28 
Book 3 Chap. 12 > 
particularly § iq2 j 

Grotius B 3<* Chap. 10 
Vatel Preliminaries 
Page s_§ 16 — 17 
6 



Vatel Book 3 Ch 12 
before quoted 
Idem C 13 § 19s &= 196 
Molloy B I Ch. I 
P. 12 to 14 § 12 and 
13— 

Burlamaque Vol 2 
P- 302 § 33 to 37— 
Grotius B 3 Ch 6 
P 500 § 2 

Rutherford Vol 2 B 2"' 
Ch 9 Page 508 to 
512 — Quare 



The voluntary law of Nations is as intrinsically 
obligatory as the necessary law; which en- 
joins its observance. 

Nations are under two kinds of obligation 
internal and external — the one founded on 
the necessary the other on the voluntary 
law of nations. 

By the necessary, the party making an unjust 
war acquires in foro conscientiae no right, 
and is bound in foro conscientiae to make 
restitution for all damages 

But by the voluntary law the party in the wrong 
has equal rights with the party in the right: 
and the effects of war on both sides are the 
same. 



Rutherford 

Book 9 Ch 9 p. 563 

564 
578— to 580 

Bynkershoeck Liber 
I Caput, II P 

Hutcheson Vol. 2 P. 
357 

Burla: Vol 2 p. 263 
§44 

Cunningham Pos In- 
suram P. 276 
Hales H. P. C. Vol i 
P. 160 to 164 

Burlamaque p. 271 21 



Vatel B 3 Ch 18 P. 
Ill § 295 

Burlam: P 302 33 to 
37 



Inst Ins: Lib II Id I 
17 

Molloy Book ist Ch i 
Page 14 § 13 
Grotius 500 Read be- 
fore 581 
Idem P s86 Note 5 
Domal Vol I P. 455 
§17 



And this is the Case by the better opinion in 
wars not solemn as well as in solemn 



The formalities which constitute a solemn war 
are arbitrary. 

The effects of war are the same between two 
great parts of the same empire as be- 
tween two Independent nations. 

The general proposition of the jus belli is that 
"ea quae ab hostibus Capimus statim 
jure gentium nostra sunt. 



464 



APPENDIX H 



P, 2go 



Burla: Vol 
§1 



Viner Title Lawful 
Prize PI I &° 2 
2 Black Comni. 

P. 401 No. I 
402 
Brooke Title Prop- 
ertie Pjt6^C No. 18 
167 - No. 30 
Grotius B 3 Ch 20 
§ 22 P. 701 
Hutchison Vol. 2 P. 
363 b' 364 

Vatel B 4 C 3 § 30 
Page 123 
Register P. 102 
Brooke Title Prop- 
ertie Page 16 ib N°.i8 
167 30 
Year Books 7 Ed 4 
Page 14 fol. s 



Grotius Lib 3"* Ch 20 

§ 22 Pag e 701 Eng ) 

907 Latin ) 

Idem Lib 3 Ch 9 § 13 
N". 2 page 868 

Justinians Institutes 
Lib II Til IV Intere 



§ 2 1 procedure I 
proves this — > 



Moveable goods belong to the Captor for ever 
after the battle is over; or according to 
some common law, adjudication if fresh 
perfect be not made the same day. Ante 
occasum solis 

And the fruits of immoveable goods while in 
possession. 

The common law carries the rights of war so far 
Individual 
as to give the A Captor a property in the 
Prisoner — and even transfers the absolute 
right of real property. 



How settle Grotius' meaning about the profits 
I^P^ fructus iisujructus 



Usufructus is nearly equivalent to an issue at 
common law. 

The Idea that in one place he speaks of a new 
grant in another of restitution is not accu- 
rate 

The Context in both Cases relates to restitution. 
And the verb CONCEDERE is as ap- 
plicable to surrender as to a new grant. 

Vatel understands Grotius in the same sense for 
he refers to him! 



Burl: Vol 2 P 295 to 



Grotius B 3<i Ch 6 
§ 4— ips83C20§ 12 
= 2 P 699 



Vatel B 3 C 14 P 83 
§ 204 



The right over real property commences ac- 
cording to some from the time of Cap- 
ture 

According to others when there is a firm pos- 
session which consists in the land being 
enclosed by fortifications. 

Postliminum is "that right in virtue of which 
persons and things taken by the enemy are 
restored to their former state when coming 
again under the power of the nation to 
which they belonged." 



APPENDIX H 



465 



Burl: Vol 2 P 583 § 7 

I "3 

Grotius B 3° C 20 
§ IS P 699 
Barbeyrars note 
thereupon Vatel B 
4 Ch 2 § 18 19 20 &" 
21 P. 120 £r= 121 

Vide Proceedings of 
Con. P. 12 



Article 30 p. 26 



Vide Article 9"". 



Vatel B 2 C 7 § 81 
Page 147 



Elements of Juris- 
prudence p. 62 

Vatel B 3 C 12 p. 76 
para: 3 



Every treaty of Peace includes an Amnesty 
Express or virtual 



The Convention of Nev^r York does not pretend 
to give validity to the act of Independence 
but merely to approve it. 

The United States are known in the Constitu- 
tion. 

exclusively 

Congress by the Confederation reserve A all the 
powders of War peace & Treaty 

The property of all the Individuals of a State is 
the property of the State itself in regard to 
other Nations. 

This is what is called the right of 
Eminent domain. 

In theory one nation has no right to alter the 
general law of nations. 



RULES OF CONSTRUCTION OF 
STATUTES 



4 Coke Rep. P. 13a 
B ditto page u8 
a&° b 



A Statute against Law and reason especially if 
a private Statute is void. 



10 Mod. 245 Bacon 
Title Statute 648 

Venir Title Maximo 
Letter pa. 351 fol i 
4 Rep. 71 

Raymond 7 Coke Lyt- 
tleton 49 B I : C 59 

Reports Lib 4 p 71 a 
venir Title Statutes p 
514 fol 27 . 30. 31 
Idem 524 par 119 
Idem 527 par 145 
Idem 528 par 154 &» 
156 
I Showers par 455 



Domat Vol. 1 P. 7 

§2 

Puff B 5 C 12 fol 61 



Statutes are to be construed by the rules of the 

common law. 
And if against the general policy of the common 

law are to be qualified . . . and con- 

trouled by it. 

Especially if the provisions are general in which 
case construction may be made against 
the letter of the Statute to render it agree- 
able to natural justice. 



Many things within the letter of a Statute are 
not within its equity and vice versa. 

Laws giving remedy where there was none 
before are to be construed strictly. |^^ 



466 



APPENDIX H 



Bacon Title Statute 
fol 653 N°. 92 



Plowder 466 &■ 467 



Objection 



No Statute shall be construed so as to be incon- 
venient or against reason. 

Statutes to be construed according to the Inten- 
tion of the Legislature, which intention is 
to be ascertained by supposing the framers 
of the law wise and honest and well ac- 
quainted with all the merits of the case to 
be determined upon, and under this sup- 
position asking ourselves what could be the 
intention of wise, honest and well informed 
men in this particular case ? 

vide Examples from P. i6 to Page i8. 

Celebrated instance of law of Bologna NO 
INTERPRETATOR 

Statute Gloucester bishops Norwich all Bishops 
Bonhame Case 8 Coke several strong 
examples in which Statutes have been ad- 
judged void. 

STATUTE OF FRAUDS executory Con- 
tracts. 

STATUTE de donis Fine ipsa jure nullus: 
Discontinuances 

STATUTES of bankruptcy: AH persons in 
autre droit excepted: contrary to words of 
the Statute James i, as D. H. acknowl- 
edges. 

STATUTE OF GLOUCESTER alienation by 
father unless by sons ^ 

DAMAGES dissuse Out of Entry: person 
found tenant 

Construed not to extend to tenant by act of 
another or of law. 

STATUTE MUST have several exceptions. 
'INVOLUNTARY trespass 

American Officer in Quarters! 

American Vessels Captured at Sea in hands of 
Neutrals 

Condemnation makes no diff 

General Howe, Clinton otherwise state of War 
continues. 

Where Stop but where laws of Nations stop us. 



APPENDIX H 467 

This would render act Nugatory 

Ans: No objection if it did. 

But 'twould not. 

Court here need only pay BRITISH subjects 

not included 
Might still operate against our own citizens 



Act would still answer several purposes 

To give Remedy against 

Assignees of Deserters 

For EXECUTORS for injuries to real prop- 
erty 

AGAINST EXECUTORS for Inj. both to real 
y personal. 

IMAGINATION must influence 

Note law respecting taking oath of allegiance to 
commence a suit. 

Charter of New York holds pleas real, personal 
& mixed as fully as any Court of record of 
G. B. or Colony of New York 

Never construed to extend to granting New 
trials, etc. 

CONSTITUTION every male Inhabitant 

IN LAW as in Religion, Letters &c. 



CERTAINTY of the act in vain contended 

for 

Phrase "Military order" vague 



Not passport safe Conduct parole 
Permission to occupy 



Our justification is public enemy 
hiring house for value Conf. 



But the greater implies the less- 
This is reasoning by Equity 



We claim benefit of posterior law 

FIDES etc. 



468 



APPENDIX H 



Jacob Law Diction- 
ary Title ' Inhabitant ' 
6 Reports 60 a 



Latches Reports P 13 
Miller v Dovey 
Stiles 6s Smith v. 
Stow Dyer 66 b 

Cok Rep Book 2 
Lefford's Case p. 51 
Bacons Ab. Title R: 
Letter L P. 367 



The word Inhabitant means 

Nothing can be a Trespass which is involuntary 



By several authorities the Assignees of Des- 
sertors could not maintain an action of 
trespass. 

Mor Executors nor heirs for injuries to real 
property. 



APPENDIX I 

(Page 414) 

LIST OF DEBTS ASSIGNED TO JOHN B. CHURCH, 
ESQUIRE, BY ALEXANDER HAMILTON, PER DEED 
DATED 9TH JULY, 1804. 



James & William Sterling 




;^75.oo 


Isaac Clason 




100.00 


William Bell (Robinson an 


id Hartshorne) 


50.00 


Miss Jenkins (Riggs) 




50.00 


Pierre Van Cortlandtl 
late L*. Governor J 








40.00 


P. Jay Monroe 




40.00 


Champlin & Smith \ 






T. L. Ogden / 




50.00 


Grillet & Bell 




40.00 


Outdoor Underwriters 


1 




including Hallet & Bowne \ 


200.00 


Administr. Jenks (Pendleton) J 




Assignee of Wm. L. Vandervort 


200.00 


is successful 250 more 400 by J. J. V. 




Assignees of J. Roget (Tintado) 


50.00 


De Peyster \ 

(Jones) / 




40.00 


Abijah Hammond ' 
P. A. Ogden J 




40.00 


Robert Cummings 




75.00 


John McVickar 




30.00 


Isaac Kibby 




25.00 


Hubbard 1 

(Riggs) J 








50.00 


Alexander Stewart 




65. 


Assignees of Kirkpatrick 




40. 


(T. L. Ogden) by P. A. 


Camman 

469 





470 



APPENDIX I 



George Stanton 

Louis Simond 

John Hackely lOO. 

(Riker) 
Ebenezer Stevens 
George Suckly 
Bank of N. York 
James Arden 
William Thomas 
William Cooper 
William Byron 
William & Silvester \ 

Robinson / 

William Neilson 
James Shuter 

(T. L. Ogden) 
Gouverneur -i 

including Insurance Cause I 

of Baure settled by j 

compromise J 

(T. L. Ogden) 
John Stewards "I 

for Note J 

Do. 
Henderson & Varick 
Dr. 
Particulars v^ill better appear by 
Account Book endorsed 

MEM 



30. 
50. 
Paid by Pendleton 



50 

50 

100 

50 

75 
100 



250 

50 
50 



100. 



50- 

2490. 

20. 

2510. 



A. H. 



July 9, 1804. 



APPENDIX J 

(Page 418) 

THE SUBSCRIPTION FOR THE RELIEF OF 
HAMILTON'S FAMILY. 

There does not appear any documentary evidence of the success 
of Wolcott's proposition to raise ^100,000 by subscription. The 
only practical measures consisted in the contribution of shares of 
various land companies which were then very popular, and the later 
conversion of these into cash. In Boston a number of prominent 
gentlemen met and proposed the following plan: 

"Having in remembrance the exalted worth, and pre-eminent 
services of the late General Hamilton — his extraordinary and truly 
patriotic exertions which contributed so much to save our Country 
from the greatest impending calamities — his able, disinterested 
and successful efforts to inculcate the wisdom, justice and advan- 
tage of all those maxims of jurisprudence which render sacred the 
rights of property and which are inseparable from true liberty— 
and especially recollecting that the devotion of his time and talents 
to the public interests has operated to deprive his Family of a . 
common share of those pecuniary advantages, which his labours, 
if applied to them, would have easily made abundant. We, there- 
fore, whose names are subscribed, to testify in some degree our sense 
of departed excellence and our gratitude for benefits conferred on 
our Country, do engage that we will pay into the hands of the Hon^ ® 
George Cabot, Thomas Davis, and Theodore Lyman, Esquires, the 
sums of money set against our respective names, to be by them ap- 
plied to the benefit of the Children or Family of General Hamilton, 
in any manner they shall judge proper. 

"And whereas we, whose names follow, are proprietors of cer- 
tain parcels of land in Pennsylvania, which were purchased in A. D. 
1 801 of Timothy Pickering, Esquire: in shares of one hundred dollars 
each, which lands are not yet divided or formally conveyed. 

"We do hereby authorize and request the said Timothy Picker- 
ing, Esquire to convey by a quit-claim deed, to such person or 

471 



472 APPENDIX J 

persons as shall be named to him for that purpose, by the before- 
mentioned George Cabot, Thomas Davis, and Theodore Lyman, 
Esquires, or any two of them so many of our shares in said Lands 
as we have set against our respective names. George Cabot 8 
shares, Theodore Lyman and Wm. Gray, Jr., twenty shares, Eben 
Parsons Stephen Higginson Stephen Higginson, Jr. Sam^ P. Gardner 
Tim°. Williams Benj. Pickman, Jr. John Norris each ten shares. 
Joseph Lee, eight shares. Thomas Davis, Nat^ C. Lee, William 
Pratt, Kirk Booth, James Perkins by J. H. P., John Parker, Daniel 
Sargent, Jr., James Lloyd, Jun^, Isaac P. Davis, Jos. Lee, Jun^. 
Israel Thorndike, Gorham Parsons, Jno. Lowell by F. C. Lowell, 
Att'y, Benj. Joy, David Sears, Simon Elliot, William Orme, Wil- 
liam Prescott, Simon Forrester, Samuel Blanchard, David Sears, 
Att'y, and F. Dickinson, Jr., five shares. Samuel Gray, four shares. 
"Boston, Nov. i6, 1804." 



APPENDIX K 

FACTS RELATIVE TO THE CAREER OF MRS. REYNOLDS 

Nothing has hitherto been known about the Reynolds Scandal 
except the pamphlet issued by Hamilton himself. As the following 
letter from Richard Folwell, a publisher, to one C. W. Jones, has 
recently come into the author's possession, he deems it worthy of 
reproduction as corroborative evidence of the Clingman and Rey- 
nolds conspiracy. 

Philadelphia, August 12, 1797. 
C. W. Jones, 

Having observed, by a Perusal of the History of the United 
States, that Odium was levelled at the Character of Col. Hamilton, 
and hearing that he intended to answer the Charges, I thought I 
possessed the Knowledge of some Traits in the Character of the 
Persons with whom he seems to be in Company with in that Work, 
that would in some Measure remove, if known, the Imputations 
levelled at the public Character of that Gentleman. Wishing, there- 
fore, to see Right prevail, and Innocence protected, I suggested my 
Knowledge of the most material Incidents that would render improb- 
able, in my Opinion, the Imputations contained in that Work. By 
your Request, I roughly summoned them up; and am sorry, lest 
some material Point does not strike my Mind, that these Details 
have never come to the Hand of Col. Hamilton. To remove, how- 
ever, this Disappointment, I will invoke my Recollection, and enter 
on the Particulars. 

A few Days after Mrs. Reynolds' first appearance in Philadelphia, 
a Relation of hers requested my Mother to receive her for a few 
Days, into our House, as she was a Stranger in the City, and had 
come here to endeavour to reclaim a prodigal Husband, who had 
deserted her and his Creditors at New York. This was readily 
consented to when her innocent Countenance appeared to show an 
innocent Heart. Not more than two Days after she was at our 
House. She found her Husband was here — had been in Gaol, and 

473 



474 APPENDIX K 

was but just liberated. In a Day or two after she said, they had an 
Interview, but, could not come to Terms of Pacification. Her 
Mind, at this Time, was far from being tranquil or consistent, for, 
almost at the same Minute that she would declare her Respect for 
her Husband, cry, and feel distressed, they would vanish, and 
Levity would succeed, with bitter Execrations on her Husband. 
This Inconsistency and Folly was ascribed to a troubled, but inno- 
cent and harmless Mind. In one or other of these Paroxysms, she 
told me, so infamous was the Perfidy of Reynolds, that he had 
frequently enjoined and insisted that she should insinuate herself 
on certain high and influential Characters, — endeavour to make 
Assignations with them, and actually prostitute herself to gull 
Money from them. About five Days after she first came at our 
House, Mr. Reynolds had an Interview; and we, while she com- 
manded Commiseration, were induced to warn her to depart, that 
a Character so infamous as her Husband should not enter our House. 
She moved to a reputable Quaker Lady's at No. — North Grant 
Street; where they lived together; but, so the Family said, did not 
sleep together. 

Lately I have understood that Letters were frequently found in 
the Entry inviting her Abroad; — and that at Night she would fly 
ofi^, as was supposed to answer their Contents. This House getting 
eventually too hot for them, they made their Exit. During the 
Period of their Residence there, she informed me she had proposed 
pecuniary Aid should be rendered by her to her Husband in his 
Speculations, by her placing Money in a certain Gentleman's 
Hands, to buy of him whatever public Paper he had to sell, and that 
she would have that which was purchased given to her, — and, if 
she could find Confidence in his future Prudence, she would even- 
tually return him what he sold. From this House, if I recollect, 
they made their Exit for a short Time from Philadelphia; but soon 
returned; and gave me an Invitation to wait on them at No. — 
North Sixth Street. At this Time he wanted me to adventure with 
him in Turnpike Script, — to subscribe for which he was immedi- 
ately to embark for Lancaster. The first Deposit for which was but 
trifling a Share — whether one or ten Dollars I do not recollect. 
Some considerable Time after (if necessary, Data can be procured) 
they removed and lived in stile in a large House in Vine Street, 
next to the Corner of Fifth. Here I had an Invitation, if I recollect, 
and being disposed to see if possible how People supported Gran- 
deur, without apparently Friends, Money or Industry, I accord- 
ingly called. Mrs. Reynolds told me her Husband was in Gaol; 



APPENDIX K 475 

and on asking her for what, she said he had got a Man to admin- 
ister to the Estate of a supposed deceased Soldier and give him a 
Power of Attorney to recover what was due to him by the PubHc. 
That he had accordingly recovered it, but that incautiously and 
imprudently having given the Heir-Apparent an indemnifying Bond, 
that when the Soldier came to Life, the Administration delivered 
the indemnifying Bond up to the real Heir, that then he was de- 
tected. That she said a Mr. Clingman, his Partner, was in the 
same Predicament. Before this Conversation was ended, in en- 
tered Mr. Clingman, to whom I was introduced. She referred to 
him for a more correct Narrative. But his Conversation seemed 
to me as if he wished to darken instead of throwing Light on this 
Information. He asked her what Luck she had in her Applica- 
tions for Reynold's Liberation ? She said she had called on the 
Governor, Mr. Mifflin, and that he felt for her: Referred her to Mr. 
Dallas and that he felt also. She said she called on Mr. Hamilton, 
and several other Gentlemen; and that they had all felt. 

In a few Days after Reynolds was liberated, possibly in conse- 
quence of the Coincidence of Sympathy these Gentlemen had in 
Feeling. Here the Curtain dropt from my View, their Career, 
till perhaps a Year or two after Mrs. Reynolds wrote me a Letter 
to call on her at a very reputable and genteel Lodging House in 
Arch Street, No. . In this note she apprized me of her Mar- 
riage with Mr. Clingman, which is annexed. Her Business she 
gave me to understand, was with me, to clear up her Character 
in East Nottingham, Cecil County, Maryland. That she lived 
there happily with Mr. Clingman, at the House of a Distant Re- 
lation of mine, till she had mentioned the knowing of our Family 
in Philadelphia; and that a Cousin of mine had given out that she 
must be the same Person who had left with her an infamous Char- 
acter by the Name of Mrs. Reynolds. She wished me to clear it up. 
I expostulated on the Inconsistency of this, that as it was bad 
before she had certainly increased it, as her Husband, Reynolds, I 
understood was alive in N. York. She said she had a Divorce; 
and that only one Fault she had incurred in her Change, — that she 
got married to Clingman one half Hour before she obtained the 
divorce. Since I have heard Nothing from her; only that she 
wrote me a very pathetic Letter — begging, as she was to return, 
that I would clear up her Character. This I have mislaid — but it 
would move any one almost to serve her, that was not perfectly 
acquainted with her Character, confirmed by actual Observation. 

I believe the Dates of these material Circumstances may be readily 



476 APPENDIX K 

ascertained where necessary. I intended to digest the Confusion 
in which I throwed my former Observations that were mislaid. 
But you expressed Hurry. Had I a copy of that, this should be 
better arranged. The same Reason of Hurry induces me to sub- 
mit that this may be sent to Colonel Hamilton as it is. Relying 
that he will Retrench and improve — allowing me to alter what 
may not be agreeable to myself. My Brother told me, when he 
was in N. York, a young Man of good Character before, — Clerk to 
Henry Manly of this City once) was hung in N. York for Forgery. 
That he saw his Dying Speech — that it said, he was deluded by 
Clingman and Reynolds to the Fact for which he was to suffer. 
Mr. Hamilton can ascertain this. 

It is now two o'clock on Sunday Morning. I am sleepy. I 
shall have Opportunity to do, with Mr. Jones's Approbation and 
my own, what Defect may be here, that Col. Hamilton with this 
may not entirely do. 

Rich. Folwell. 

That he had never got himself involved so before; though frequently he and 
his partner had done the same. 



INDEX 



Absent-mindedness, example of Hamil- 
ton's, 42. 

Adams, John, 40, 278, 284, 422; election 
expenses of, 236; goes abroad, 284; 
sends Gerry, Marshall and Pinckney 
to France, 319; sends Vans Murray 
to France, 320. 

Adams, Mrs. John, entertains, 314. 

Adet, Pierre Augustus, French minis- 
ter, 312, 314, 318; schemes of, 318. 

Ambition of Hamilton, 52. 

Andre, Major, trial of, 121. 

Angerstien, financial relations with 
Aaron Burr, 387. 

Annapolis Convention, 202. 

Argument in Trespass Case, Hamil- 
ton's, 153. 

Arnold, Benedict, 131; escape of, 118. 

Ashburton, Lord, 160. 

Aurora, The, 65, 68. 

Autun, the Bishop of, 239. 

Barclay, James, English Consul in New 
York, 289. 

Bard, Dr. Samuel, 267; writes after 
death of Phihp Hamilton, 345. 

Bayard, James A., 389. 

Bayard, William, 267, 404. 

Beaumetz, 109. 

Benson, Egbert, 269; appointed com- 
missioner, 269. 

Bentham, Jeremy, 299. 

Bingham, William, banker in Philadel- 
phia, 253, 314. 

Bishop Moore administers last commun- 
ion to Hamilton, 406. 

Bollman, Dr., helps La Fayette to es- 
cape, 247. 

Boudinot, Elias, 2, 21, 160, 267. 

Boudinot, Elisha, 2, 160. 

Bradford, Thomas, 312. 

Brissot de Warville, J. P., 34. 

Brown University confers degree upon 
Hamilton, 92. 

Burgoyne, General, 136. 

Burr, Aaron, 44, 154, 160, 161, 169, 171, 
180, 185, 187, 192, 197, 212, 218, 240, 



246, 375, 377, 378, 379. 380, 381, 382, 
3^3, 385, 386, 389, 390, 39i> 392, 396, 
398, 399, 400, 404, 408, 422, 423, 425, 
426, 427, 428, 429; accompanies Arnold 
to Quebec, 375; alleged use of bullet- 
proof silk garments, 400; becomes an 
atheist, 375; chooses Van Ness as 
second, 390, 392; death of, 429; de- 
scribes his smoky chimney, 343; dis- 
honest practices of, 379; elected vice- 
president, 377; enters Princeton Col- 
lege, 375; fascination of, 376; Hamilton 
and himself compared, 357; member 
of convention to revise constitution, 
377; partisan of Jefferson, 376; takes 
sides with Lee against Washington, 375. 

Cabot, George, 86. 

Callender, William Thompson, 76, 431. 

Carter, Mrs., 147. 

Cazenove, Theophile, 32, 168. 

Ceracci, Giuseppe, makes Hamilton's 

bust, T,s, 34- 
Charles X., overthrow of, 251. 
Chastellux,Vicomte de,i23, 209, 239, 274. 
Cheetham, 90, 431. 
Church, Angelica, 96; writes to her 

brother regarding duel, 404. 
Church, John Barker, 168, 277, 408, 

409, 413, 414. 
Church, "Peggy," 103. 
Church, Philip, 408. 
Church, Richard, 409. 
Cincinnati, Society of, 389, 393. 
Clarkson, Matthew, 267. 
Clinton, George, Governor, 245, 292. 
Clymer, George, 314. 
Cobbett, William, 69. 
Cochran, Mrs., 96, 108. 
Colbert, Chevalier, asks Hamilton to 

press his suit, 228. 
Colden, Cadwallader, Lieut. Governor, 

185. 
Coleman, William, editor of New York 

Evening Post, 71, 72, 350, 399, 400, 

404, 406, 409, 412; duel with Captain 

Thompson, 72. 



477 



478 



INDEX 



College of New Jersey, the, confers de- 
gree upon Hamilton, 92. 

Colonies, social life in, g, 10. 

Congress places embargo on English 
ships, 289; gives Hamilton back pay, 
420. 

Cooper, Dr., of Albany, 390. 

Cooper, Myles, Dr., 22, 64. 

Cooper, Thomas, 267. 

Courtship and marriage of Hamilton, 
118. 

Crevecoeur, Hector St. Jean de, 244. 

Croswell libel case, 177. 

Dana, Francis, 359. 

Danton transmits notification of citizen- 
ship to Hamilton, 300. 

Dartmouth College confers degree upon 
Hamilton, 92. 

Dawson, Henry B., his analysis of the 
Federalist, 84. 

Dean, Silas, 361. 

Definitive treaty, 144. 

De Heart, Balthazar, 149, 160. 

Delancey, Stephen, 155. 

Democrat, Petit, the, 309 et seq. 

Dinner given to Citizen Genet, 308. 

Drum, The Song of the, 47. 

Duane, indictment of, 443. 

Duane, William, 70. 

Duel, the, 375, 384. 

Duel, the, Coleman's account of, 399; 
memorandum of seconds in, 396; pis-' 
tols used in, 408. 

Duel, Abraham Lincoln challenged to 
fight a, 379; between Major Roche- 
fontaine and Lieutenant Wilson, 368. 

Duer, William, 157, 267; failure of, 272; 
marries Lady Kitty Sterling, 271. 

Duportail, 239. 

Earle, Ralph, paints Mr. Hamilton's 
portrait, 157. 

Elopement of General Schuyler's daugh- 
ters, II. 

Eustace, J. S., Major, attacks Hamil- 
ton, 280. 

Evening Post, New York, establishment 
of, 71. 

Fair American, case of the, 166. 

Family life, 200. 

Fauchet, Jean Antoine, 312, 314. 

Fawcett, Rachel, 8. 

Federal Celebration, the, 203. 

Federal party, overthrow of, t,^^. 



Federalist, The, 62, 8c, 81, 276; its in- 
fluence in the affairs of other nations, 
83; the early periodical publication of, 

451- 
Fever, yellow, in Philadelphia, 223 et seq. 
" Fields," the, 23. 
Foreign friendships, Hamilton warns 

against too intimate, 286. ■ 
Franklin, Benjamin, 136. 
French privateers, depredations of, 318. 
Freneau, Philip, the poet and journalist, 

65,431- 
Funeral of Hamilton, 409. 

Galloway, Joseph, 441. 

Genet, Edmond Charles, 165, 307, 312, 

314- 
George the Second, destruction of his 

portrait by the patriots, 24. 
George the Third, statue of, torn down, 

150. 
Gibbs, Caleb, 267. 
Giles attacks Hamilton in the Senate, 

283. 
Gordon, William, the Reverend, 360. 
Gore, Christopher, commissioner in 

London, 164. 
Grange, the, 348, 350, 404, 414; cost of 

building the, 344; life at the, 348; 

Hamiltons of, 8; Laird of, 13. 
Greene, Nathaniel, General, 253; Ham- 
ilton helps his widow, 253. 
Greenleaf, James, 314. 
Grenville, Lord, 290. 

Hamilton, Alexander, absent-minded- 
ness of, 42; accepts contingent fee, 
190; iUtacked by Giles in Senate, 283; 
addresses students at King's College, 
23; admiralty jjractice of 161; advises 
Mrs. Washington, 47; alleged sym- 
pathy vvith Great Brit lin, 288; am- 
bition of, 52; Angelica Church writes 
regarding Jay's tre.ity, 292; aristo- 
cratic tendencies of, 52; arrangement 
of his garden, 347; his arrival in Bos- 
ton, 20; as a contributor to newspa- 
pers, 64; as a letter writer, 79; as an 
orator, 61, 93; associated with Burr in 
court, 378; attacks upon, 40; attends 
court at New Haven, 187; banquet 
to, 205; becomes member of Amer- 
ican Philosophical Society, 92; b«+h, 
9rf. aj books of, 74; builds a house, 
340; and Burr, 357; butcher's bill 
of, 237, 238; buys land, 340; buys 
slaves, 268; capacity for making 



INDEX 



479 



fDi©nd5p«4o; comparison with Burr, 
375; ccanplains of his destiny, 281; 
coroner's inquest, 423; courtship and 
marriage of, -118; carriage tax, tries, 
174; Croswell libel case, tries, 177; 
children of, 210; comments on Ceracci 
bust, 33; College of New Jersey 
confers degree upon, 92; death of, 
400, 403; defends the tories, 151; 
disbursements for election of Adams, 
236; disapproval of duelling, 380; 
disagreement with Washington, 375; 
dislike of Governor Clinton, 42; disc 
approval of lawlessness, 24; dis- 
liked by Adams, 40; writes concerning 
Duer's irregularities, 273; extra va- 
gan.ce,_244; estimates of his ability as 
a lawyer, 197, 198, 199; elected to 
Congress, 202; enmity of Jefferson 
toward, 277; enmity of Madison 
toward, 276; education, 22; emotional 
changes, 43; estimates his property, 
419; his family, 8; his father, 3, 9; 
friendship for La Fayette, 245; friends 
and-eoemies, 239; finds law oifice, 164; 
Fair American, tries case of, 166; fees, 
187, 188; fee in Le Guen case, 171; 
family life of, 200; his fearlessness of 
responsibility, 276; his foundation of 
Hamilton College, 92; freedom of 
speech of, 37; French Republic makes 
him a citizen, 299; funeral of, 409; 
goes to Philadelphia, 164; good fellow- 
ship of, 240; gun of, 349; gallantry 
of, 55; honeymoon of, 141; Holland 
Company employs him, 160; house 
in which he died, 404; household ex- 
penses, 232 et seq.; honorary degrees 
of, 92; his father draws on him, 3; 
his doctors, 267; foreign alliance, views 
on, 286; gentlemen, 46; grave of, 429; 
houses in New York, 206, 207; ideas of 
compensation, 189; illness, 17; inci- 
dent of Chancellor Kent, 46; interview 
with Pontigibaud, 295; interest in 
France, 293; Jews, refers to, 21; Jef- 
ferson calls him " Colossus of Federal- 
ists," 281; killed in duel, 395; lawyer, 
as a, 148; Little Sarah, considers case 
of, 165; land operations, 168; LeGuen 
vs. Gouverneur, case of, 169; law 
books of, 196; leaves the Cabinet, 319; 
last letters to wife, 393, 394; last meet- 
ing with wife, 403; last will of, 413; life 
in Philadelphia, 314; letters of Phocion, 
41; love of fine arts, 47; Hterary fe- 
cundity, 62; list of papers by, 62; libel 



suit against Argus, 68; Teftter to John 
Adams, 90; debts of clients, 414; mo- 
tive for meeting Burr, 379; manner 
and appearance, 240; ntanuscripis 
purchased by government, 115; at 
Morristown, 122; makes Troup ex- 
ecutor, 163; tries Manhattan Well 
murder case, 184; method of prepar- 
ing cases, 194; moves to Philadelphia, 
283; makes enemies, 39; military ac- 
counts, 204; McHenry suggests medi- 
cal advice for, 265; moods, 43; Ma- 
dame Jumel and, 55; mother, his, 8; 
manner of life, 266; Monroe and Ran- 
dolph plot to injure, 289; Napoleon 
and, 52; notes, his, 195; opinion as to 
legitimacy of heirs of Sir William 
Johnson, 184; offered nomination of 
Governor of the State of New York, 
54; opinions on finance, 75, 76; his 
origin, 8; overworks, 256; his part- 
ners and clerks, 159, 160; his part in 
ratifying the Constitution, 202; pis- 
tols used by him in the duel, 408; 
professional engagements of, 351; 
specifications for his house, 341; pre 
f>ares a roster of available ofl&cers, 328; 
plans defensive measures, 320; power 
of attorney given by him before the 
duel, 414; prepares a code of etiquette 
for Washington, 315; his precocity, 
19; part in preparing Washington 
correspondence, 49; pseudonyms of, 
63; portraits of, 30 et seq.; personal 
characteristics, 29; part in preparing 
Jay's treaty, 284; his quarrel with 
Washington, 148, 354, 262; meets 
Rochambeau, 141; resigns from Treas- 
ury, 163; his receipts from practice, 190 
et seq.; receiver of Continental taxes, 
as, 200; recommends establishment of 
Christian Constitutional Society, 334; 
religious belief of, 334; reorganizes 
army, 325; receives Rochefoucauld- 
Liancourt, 37, 231; relieves distress of 
French emigres, 104; success before 
juries, 378; sings song of Drum, 389; 
statement drawn up by him before 
duel, 380; -studies law, 148; as a 
sportsman, 349; slandered by Dr. 
Gordon, 358; second to Laurens in 
duel with Lee, 357; suggests and 
plans West Point Military Academy, 
?>?>3\ suppresses Whiskey Rebellion, 
317; Sullivan's description of, 30; 
school days, 23; tries the trespass case, 
152; his trial notes in Croswell case, 



480 



INDEX 



181 et seq.; his taste for gardening, 
344; attends the theatre, 349; tem- 
perament of, 5;^; and Mrs. Reynolds, 
58; takes the communion from Bishop 
Moore, 406; Talleyrand's eulogium 
of, 255; writes verse, 89, 126; visits 
Mrs. Benedict Arnold, 132; his alleged 
vanity, 48; his wit, 241; wretched 
condition of his affairs after death, 
415; in Yorktown, 141. 

Hamilton, Alexander, Jr., 210; Dr., 
224. 

Hamilton, Angelica, 47, 210, 219. 

Hamilton, Elizabeth, 95, 99, 107, 109, 
no, 112, 116, 210, 220, 221, 222, 29S, 
355; character of, 107; charitiesof, 109; 
girl friends of, 99; establishment of 
first orphan asylum, 355; her last days 
at Grange, 355; writes to son Philip, 
220, 221; old age, 112; resents con- 
duct of Monroe, 116; statement as to 
Washington's Farewell Address, no; 
urges her son Philip to go to Mt. 
Vernon, 221. 

Hamilton, James A., no, 217. 

Hamilton, John C, 3, 21c, 218. 

Hamilton, Philip (I), 23, 212, 213, 214, 
215, 216, 40S; fights duel, 357; rules 
for, 23. 

Hamilton, Philip (II), 218, 222. 

Hamilton, William Stephen, 210, 218. 

Harrison, Richard, lawyer, 267. 

Harvard University confers degree upon 
Hamilton, 92. 

Hearts of Oak, the, 24. 

Henly, David, Colonel, 359. 

Holland Company, 32, 160, 168, 408. 

Home, building a, 340. 

Hosack, David, Dr., 267, 345, 380, 400. 

Howell, David, writes to Hamilton about 
north-east boundary commission, 269. 

Hudson River sloops, 80, 224. 

Huger, Francis Kinloch, helps La Fay- 
ette escape, 247. 

Irving, Washington, 249. 

Jacobins, American, 293, 306, 308. 

Jay, John, 27, 108, 289, 292; effects 
treaty, 289; views regarding Farewell 
Address, 84; makes conditions with 
Great Brilain, 290; writes to Nathan- 
iel Woodhull, 27. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 40, 277, 281, 310, 
m^ 377> 43^' Binney's opinion of, 
335; elected President, 333; instiga- 
tor of Freneau's article, 66, 67; life in 



France, 306; sympathy with French 
Republic, 285; utilizes Hamilton's 
doctrines, 52. 

Johnson, William, Sir, 184. 

Jumel, Madame, 55; marries Burr, 56. 

Kent, James, Chancellor, 93, 179, 198, 

267, 351- 
Kerilaw Castle, 18, 438. 
King, Rufus, 171, 267, 268, 3 ,8, 348, 

380, 418. 
King's College, faculty of, 22. 
Knox, Hugh, Dr., 21. 

La Fayette, 239, 245, 246, 247, 248; 

escapes from Olmutz, 247; letter to 

Louis McLane, 248. 
La Fayette, G. W., 247. 
Lamb, Colonel, collector of customs, 207. 
Lansing, Chief Justice, mysterious dis- 
appearance of, 186. 
Laurens, Henry, imprisoned in Tower 

of London, 16. 
Laurens, John, 16, 61, 241, 245, 267. 
Lauzun, Due de, 239. 
Lee, Charles, Major-General, 279, 280. 
Lee, Henry, 54. 

Le Guen vs. Gouverneur, case of, 169. 
L'Enfant, Major, architect, 260. 
Le Roy, Herman, seeks to recover 

money, 313. 
Levine, John Michael, divorces his wife, 

12. 
Levine, Peter, 1 2. 
Levine, Rachel, 3. 
Lewis, Morgan, General, 217. 
"Liberty Hall," 21. 
Library, Hamilton's, 75. 
Lincoln, Abraham, challenged, 379. 
List of Hamilton's writings, 62. 
Little Sarah, privateer, 308. 
Livingston, Brockholst, 154, 267. 
Livingston, Chancellor, 244. 
Livingstons, the, desert Federal cause, 

40. 
Livingston, William, Governor, 23, 122. 
Lodge, George Cabot, i, 93. 
Louis XVI, 35, 297. 
Louis Philippe, 239. 

McComb, John, 338. 
McDougall, Alexander, 23, 154. 
McEvers and Bayard, 165. 
McHenry, James, 144, 263, 265, 

writes verses of congratulation, 137. 
McLane, Louis, writes to La Fayette, 

248. 



INDEX 



481 



McLane, Robert M., 248. 

Maclay, William, 278, 315. 

Madison, James, 276. 

Marriage and divorce in colonies, 10. 

Marshall, John, 114, 321. 

Meade, Richard K., General, 200, 211, 

253- 
Middleton, Dr. Peter, 22. 
Mifflin, Governor, 307, 309. 
Miniature, Talleyrand, 32. 
Mitcht 1, Mrs. Ann, Hamilton's cousin, 

2, " 
Mon , James, 116, 289. 
Moore, Bishop, gives Hamilton the holy 

communion, 406. 
Morris, Gouverneur, i,-48, 51, 169, 223, 

267, 268, 278, 281, 333, 34S, 412, 417. 

418. 
Morris, Robert, 168, 223, 260. 
Morristown, headquarters at, 122. 

Nancy, case of brig, 168. 

Napoleon and Hamilton compared, 52. 

Nevis, island of, i. 

New Park Theatre, 172. 

Noailles, de, Vicomte, 75, 136, 239, 252, 

253, 294. 
North, William, General, 245, 327. 
Nott, Eliphalet, Rev., preaches funeral 

sermon, 412. 

Ohio Company, 418. 
Oliver, 39, 76, 83, 240. 
Otis, Harrison Gray, 412. 

Pendleton, Nathaniel, 392, 393, 395, 
396, 397. 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 407. 

415, 417- 

Peters, Richard, 85, 165, 267. 

Peter Porcupine, 70. 

Philadelphia, emigres in, 293. 

Pickering, Timothy, 267, 271. 

Pinckney, Charles C, 346. 

Pistols used by Hamilton and Burr, 408. 

Pontgibaud, de, Chevalier, 255, 294, 295. 

Portraits of Hamilton, 31 el seq. 

Priestley, Joseph, Dr., 299, 301. 

Procession, Federal, to celebrate ratifica- 
tion of Constitution, 203. 

Prune Street prison, 223. 

Randolph, Edmund, 317. 

Reception of Citizen Genet in Philadel- 
phia, 307. 

Reign of Terroi, 312. 

Residences, Hamilton's, in New York, 
206, 207. 



Reynolds case, 48. - 
Rivington, James, 24, 64. 
Rivingion's Tracts, 64, 440. 
Rochambeau, 141, 230. 
Rochefoniaine, Stcf^hen, Lieut. Colonel, 

3'''f', 367, 372. 
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Due de, 35, 

239- 
Roland, 300. 
Ross, John, Senator, 220. 
Ruggles, Nathaniel, 156. 
Rumford, Count, invents chimneys, 

342- 
Rush, Benjamin, Dr., suit against Cob- 

bett, 70. 
Rutgers vs. Waddington, case of, 152. 
Rutledge, John, insanity of, 17O. 

St. Kitts, I. 

Sands, Comfort, finds office for Hamil- 
ton, 162. 

Sands, Guilielma, murder of, 184. 

Schuyler, Catharine, 141. 

Schuyler, Cortlandt, 210. 

Schuyler, Hermanus, 333. 

Schuyler, John Bradstreet, 210. 

Schuyler, Margaret, 147, 209, 210, 227. 

Schuyler, Philip, General, 42, 112, 119, 
125, 130, 132, 133, 13s, 140, 164, 180, 
213, 218, 224, 225, 256, 257, 268, 277, 
291, 311, 319, 320, 325, 332, 339, 340, 
410, 411, 412; children of, 210; criti- 
cises McHenry, 331; death of, 356; 
gifts to Hamilton family, 349; home at 
Albany, 96, 135; has the gout, 209; is- 
sues broadside, 291; properly of, 112; 
visits the Grange, 350; writes about 
his grandson, 351. 

Schuyler, Philip Jeremiah, 210. 

Scott, John Morin, 154. 

Seabury, William, Rev., writes Tory 
pamphlets, 148. 

Sears, Isaac, 23. 

Segur Comte de, 246. 

Sharpless portrait of Hamilton, 32. 

Shippen, Edward, 131. 

Smith, Melancthon, addresses Pough- 
keepsic convention. 49. 

Societv, American Philosophical, Ham- 
ilton elected member of, 92. 

Sons of Liberty, 23. 

South African unification, influence of 
Federalist in, 454. 

Silencer, Ambrose, 180, 198. 

Steul>en, Frederick William, General, 
230, 242, 243, 244. 

Stevens, Edward, 274. 



482 



INDEX 



Talleyrand, Charles Maurice, 32, 3,^, 
75, 214, 239, 255, 256, 259, J07, 319. 
Tilghnian, Temh, 95. 
Tilly, lie. Count, 239. 
Tocqueville, de, 149. 
Tousard, Louis, Major, 239, 297, 

325- 
Treaty, Jay's, 57. 
Trespass case, ar^^ument in, 153. 
Trespass case, 457 et seq. 
Troup, Robert, 103, 2O7, 271. 

Unification, South African, 454. 
United States, internal dissensions in, 
284. 

Van Ness, \V. P., Burr's second, 180, 

392, 395- 
Van Rensselaer, Calharine, 95. 
Varick, Richard, Colonel, 154, 1S6, 205, 

267. 
Verplanck, Gulian, 31. 
Verses written by Hamilton, 126. 
Volney, de, Comte, 75, 239. 



Wadsworth, Jannes, 408. 

Walker, B., Captain, 245, 323. 

Warville J. P. Bris^Dt de, "34. 

Washington, George, 36, 84, 88, 89, 1 13, 
122, 123, 148, 149, 290,307,316; asks 
Hamilton to prepare code of etiquette 
315; attempts to enforce treaty, 290; 
correspondence with Hamilton regard- 
ing Farewell Address, 88, 89; detects 
Burr in immoralities, 375; appoints 
Hamilton Major-General, 321; Fare- 
well Address, 84; Hamilton's letter to, 
261, 262, 263; relations with Hamil- 
ton, 260; headquarters at Morris- 
town, 124; Lee speaks disparagingly 
of, 357; occupies Morris's house in 
Philadelphia, 314; presents Adet with 
tricolor, 312; public dinner given by 
him, 314; punch bowl, his, 115. 

Washington, Martha, 17, 315. 

Wilkes, Charles, 207, 274. 

Williams Otho, 241. 

Wolcott, OlivxT, 232, 267. 271, 405, 407 
415, 416, 418. 



LETTERS 



Alexandkr Hamittom to James A. 
Bayard, 334; Burr, 390; Angelica 
Church, 37, 97, 230, 231; Governor 
George Clinton, 50; Alexander Cru- 
ger, 19; Reverend William Gordon, 
362; Alexander Hamilton, 13; Eliza- 
beth Hamilton, 4, 43, 45, 129, 142, 
t43, 170, 178, 1S7, 1S8, 221, 226, 227, 
302, 306, 340, 352, 353, 354, 393. 
394; James Hamilton, 9; James 
Hamilton, Jr., 6; Philip Hamilton, 
215; John Jay, 24; Rufus King, 38, 
242, 309; Lafayette, 149; John Lau- 
rens, 242; Henry Lee, 55; Kitty 
Livingston, 77; James McHenry, 139; 
Richard K. Meade, 200, 211, 254; 
Gouverneur Morris, 281; Timothy 
Pickering, 51; Charles C. Pinckney, 
346; John Rutledge, 385; Theodore 
Sedgwick, 378; Ebenezer Stevens 
337; Edward Stevens, 53; Elizabeth 
Schuyler, 7, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, 
135; Catharine Schuyler, 125; Robert 
Troup, 4; Anthony Wayne, 241; 
George Washington, 87, 89, 261, 262, 
263, 322; Martha Washington, 261; to 

, 189, 273- 

Ai.EXAVDF.R Hamii.tom FROM William 
Bradford, 175; Angelica Church, 36, 



56, 57. 58, ^5. 66, 164, 228, 292, 293, 
294, 301; Chevalier de Colbert, 228; 
Stephen Delancey, 155; William Duer, 
272; Caleb Gibbs, 275; Reverenci Wil- 
liam Gordon, 360; Alexander Ham- 
ilton, Senior, 13; James Hamilton, 
5; Philip Hamilton, 216; David 
Howell, 269; La Fayette, 246; William 
Laight, 162; John Laurens, 6r, 
242; Herman Le Roy, 313; Louis 
Le Guen, 171; Jacob Hardenbergh, 
158; Henry Lee, 54; Robert R. Liv- 
ingston, 201, 244; James McHenry, 
123, 144, 264, 265; Richard K. 
Meade, 200, 211; Vicomte de Noailles, 
249; William North, 325; Richard 
Olive, 302; Charles C. Pinckney, 346; 
Major Rochefontaine, 367, 368, 372; 
Philip Schuyler, 119, 125, 164, i8o, 
277, 291, 311, 319, 320, 332, 339; 
Nathaniel Ruggles, 156; Major Louis 
Tousard, 298, 325; George Washing- 
ton, 88, 89, 316, 317. 
General Philip Schuyler to Alex- 
ander Hamilton, 319, 332, 379; Eliza- 
'oeth Hamilton, iSo, 213, 218, 224, 
225, 257, 325, 410, 412; Elizabeth 
Schuyler, 42; Philip Jeremiah Schuy- 
ler, 351. 



INDEX 



483 



Angelica Church to Elizabeth Ham- 
ilton, 18, 65, 73, 75, 107, 108, 164, 
208, 212, 226, 227, 232, 243, 247, 258, 
259, 340, 421. 

Major Louis Tousard to Elizabeth 
Hamilton, 298. 

Bushrod Washington to Elizabeth 
Hamilton, 113. 

Kitty Livingston to Elizabeth Ham- 
ilton, 128. 

Kitty Livingston to Elizabeth Schuy- 
ler, 99, 100. 

Martha Washington to Elizabeth 
Hamilton, 17. 

Mrs. Morgan Lewis to Elizabeth 
Hamilton, 102. 

Philip Schuyler to Angelica Church, 
411. 

Elizabeth Hamilton to Philip Ham- 
ilton (H), 220. 



Washington Irving to Louis McLane, 
249. 

La Fayette to Louis McLane, 248. 

John Jay to Nathaniel Woodhull, 
27. 

Theophile Cazenove to Elizabeth 
Hamilton, 32. 

Archibald McLean to Robert Troup, 
82. 

Dr. David Hosack to William Cole- 
man, 400. 

Oliver Wolcott to Mrs. Wolcott, 405, 
407. 

Oliver Wolcott to James McHenry 
415, 416. 

Major Eustace to General Charles 
Lee, 280. 

James Kent to Mrs. Kent, 351. 

Timothy Pickering to James A. Ham- 
ilton, 323. 



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